Haiti: Security and the Reintegration of the State
Int'l Crisis Group, Oct, 2006

Media release for of the Intl' Crisis Group on Haiti: Security and the Reintegration of the State

Site Soley is at Peace, why is the UN conduction unprovoked attacks on Site Soley and not equally applying DDR? Why is the UN not going after the coup d'etat death squads,Guy Phillip, Chamblain and Lame Timanchet?

Stanley Lucas' Management Without Principles: A Familiar Path to
Chaos in Haiti
(Oct. 28, 2006)

Recommended Links on
Stanley Lucas and IRI


Response #1: Letter from Mr. Emmanuel to Stanley Lucas in reference to: Margeurite Laurent: Mwen se kiye bwa mwen pa pe chale"
- The new and modern incompetent "intellectual" house nigger.

Statement concerning the visit of the members of the International Republican Insitute (IRI) in Haiti this week, Oct. 2006


Response #2 on Stanley Lucas from Yves Erols


Response #3 on Stanley Lucas from Micheal Sanon


Letter from Stanley Lucas to HLLN entitled "Margeurite Laurent: Mwen se kiye bwa mwen pa pe chale"


Edwidge Romulus' - Radyès Stanley Lucas se "Yon mank dega ak insilt pou tout Ayisyen...ANALFABET PA BET." Oct. 24, 2006

Dessalines Is Rising!!
Ayisyen: You Are Not Alone!



Democracy Undone | Back Channels vs. Democracy: Mixed U.S. Signals Helped Tilt Haiti Toward Chaos
By WALT BOGDANICH and JENNY NORDBERG, January 29, 2006, New York Times

Democracy Now!: Shocking Lancet Study: 8,000 Murders, 35,000 Rapes and Sexual Assaults in Haiti During U.S.-Backed Coup Regime After Aristide Ouster

Eyewitnesses Account: UN Forces Open Fire on Poor Haitian Neighborhood | Democracy Now!, August 31, 2006

Women Recount Gang Rape, Abuse at Hearing Against Haitian Death Squad Leader Emmanuel Constant | Democracy Now!: August 31, 2006

Haiti: Latortue's Legacy
, Jamaican Gleaner, Oct 22, 2006

The Haitian Psyche
Q & A with Haitian President Preval
Miami Herald Jamaican Gleaner, Oct 26, 2006

Haiti Pulls back from the brink, AP
, Oct 30, 2006




Recommended Links on Stanley Lucas and IRI


The Legacy of Impunity in Haiti, by HLLN, for the Oct. 17th FreeHaitiMovement Events, Oct. 30, 2006

Press Release: International Crisis Group

Haiti: Security and Reintegration of the State

Port-au-Prince/Brussels, 30 October 2006: Security remains Haiti’s top challenge, and the new president has only a small window of opportunity to re-establish the state’s authority.

Haiti: Security and the Reintegration of the State,* the latest policy briefing from the International Crisis Group, examines the security challenges facing René Préval, including youth gangs, drug trafficking, kidnappings and corruption in the Haitian National Police (HNP), and outlines what needs to be done to create a stable environment. The Préval administration must simultaneously tackle the pervasive violence while launching infrastructure and development projects to combat extreme poverty and give people reason to trust in government.

“Haiti will turn the corner only when citizens sense a reappearance of state sovereignty and the rule of law in daily life”, says Mark Schneider, Crisis Group Senior Vice President. “That will require cleaning up the HNP, wiping out the perception of the state as a means to personal enrichment and opening up opportunities for the poor”.

The state security apparatus is as much a source of the problem as the solution. Reform has been attempted and failed repeatedly since the fall of the Duvalier dictatorship and the upheavals of the 1990s. Insecurity, violence and impunity continued after the turbulent departure of President Aristide in 2004, leaving a legacy of violence and poverty for the five-month old Préval government and the UN peacekeeping mission (MINUSTAH).

The HNP is spread thin, poorly equipped, minimally trained and unable to confront the smuggling of drugs, weapons, contraband and human beings through the country’s porous ports and borders. While police and judicial incompetence and corruption and gang violence cannot be eradicated immediately, unambiguous steps are needed, including: vetting and retraining police officers, training and hiring new judges, securing ports and border crossings and vigorously enforcing with gang leaders and members alike the recently begun disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration initiative. All these measures must be formally announced, urgently implemented and transparently monitored.

The international community should reinforce the UN police with more security and anti-gang specialists, including SWAT teams and crime investigators, as well as finance highly visible infrastructure and jobs programs. And it must recognise that there are no quick fixes and commit for a least a decade to Haiti’s recovery.

“The longer security remains an issue, the more it will be to the detriment of other much needed areas of socio-economic development which are essential to creating a stable environment in Haiti”, says Alain Deletroz, Crisis Group’s Latin America Program Director.

Contacts: Andrew Stroehlein (Brussels) +32 (0) 2 541 1635
Kimberly Abbott (Washington) +1 202 785 1601

To contact Crisis Group media
*Read the full Crisis Group briefing on our website: http://www.crisisgroup.org


Haiti: Security and
the Reintegration of the State

30 octobre 2006
Source: International Crisis Group or the full and complete pdf of the original Crisis
Group report

Security is the core challenge for new President René Préval and the UN peacekeeping mission (MINUSTAH). Violence and impunity, rooted in the state’s weakness, are pervasive, especially in Port-au-Prince. Haiti’s five-month-old government must confront the illegal armed gangs, break the international crime/political power at ports and borders and cope with rising drug trafficking and kidnapping. Armed gangs and criminals, including elements of the Haitian National Police (HNP), perpetrate the violence but it is also fostered by the worst poverty in the Western Hemisphere. Dismantling the gangs and pursuing serious police reform are critical to every broader goal of the new administration, from education reform, infrastructure, private sector investment, jobs and agriculture to governance.

Conditions in Port-au-Prince dominate international perceptions. The provinces, where some 60 per cent of Haitians live, may be quiet but press and politicians respond to events in the capital. And impunity still rules across the entire country. The HNP are spread thin, poorly equipped, minimally trained and unable to confront any regional smuggling threats such as drugs, weapons, contraband and human trafficking coming through the porous ports and borders. Small planes operate with virtual freedom from make-shift airstrips in the countryside, whether carrying cocaine from Colombia or other illicit cargo.

The state security apparatus is as much a source of the problem as a solution. The HNP, along with the judicial system, is in dire need of reform. For two decades, donors have initiated police reform and judicial development projects and spent tens of millions of dollars. The 1987 constitution provided for an academy to train judges; the military was disbanded and the HNP instituted in 1995. None of these efforts have overcome endemic corruption, patronage and perception of the state as a means to personal enrichment.

New plans have again been drafted to restructure the police and judiciary: the Haitian National Police Reform Plan and the Strategic Plan for the Reform of Justice in Haiti. These, especially the police reform that includes vetting current officers, must be announced formally, implemented urgently and monitored transparently on a rigorous timetable. Judicial reform presents even more complexities, some constitutional, others requiring parliament’s approval and some, including nominations of new judges, needing a local government apparatus that does not yet exist. It is critical to the success of police reform and to building a rule of law that protects citizens and has their respect.

Protecting citizens also is a central goal of proposals to dismantle urban gangs in Port-au-Prince. With the newly appointed National Commission on Disarmament, Dismantlement and Reintegration (NCDDR), the government has put into place a three-part strategy for dealing with the gang-related violence and kidnappings that at times have paralysed the capital:

Since early August, MINUSTAH has been squeezing the gangs by seizing and holding their territory, including with checkpoints on the roads leading into and out of the slum areas.
The disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) program for gang members has been linked to community development and violence reduction projects for the communities designed to create jobs, infrastructure and visible services and bolster the state’s presence in Cité Soleil, Bel Air, Martissant and other armed group strongholds. If gang members refuse to disarm, they are to be targeted by special HNP units backed by MINUSTAH troops and police (UNPOL).

The NCDDR is to coordinate the disarmament and violence reduction strategy and improve what has been a woeful effort to communicate with the public.
With support from UNPOL and MINUSTAH, the authorities also must begin to break up the networks that exploit the lack of rule of law at nearly all Haiti’s ports and border crossings. Estimates are that between $100 million and $240 million are lost each year in uncollected customs and port revenues. Transparent accounting and utilisation of port and border revenues could go a long way towards encouraging tax compliance and cutting down on illegal drug trafficking and smuggling, while effective law enforcement in selected port and border crossings also would encourage foreign direct investment.

None of the needed reforms will happen quickly: citizens’ trust has been deeply damaged over two decades of fitful democratic transition, and the state neither yet possesses nor is seen to possess the monopoly on legitimate use of force that a functioning state must have. Immediate practical steps for the new government and MINUSTAH to take, with financial and technical aid from donors, include:
implementing the National Police Reform Plan by setting a timetable to vet every officer, retaining, retraining, arming and mentoring those who are cleared, while removing the others but giving those against whom no criminal charges are pending a soft landing in a retraining program;
completing the database and registration of all police officers and their weapons, and applying standards for recruitment, merit-based promotion, career development and a new code of conduct;
building the 200 commissariats called for in the police reform plan and considering co-locating some with health clinics, legal aid offices and potable water sources, where women and children gather;
physically taking back control of the docks and border crossings and ensuring customs and ports fees are paid into the state treasury;
building a viable vetting procedure into the justice reform plan so as to target and remove corrupt judges, creating special chambers of respected jurists to handle the most serious cases and using ad hoc panels with international advisers to review pre-trial detentions; and
dismantling the gangs and reducing community violence by retraining and reintegrating into society gang members who disarm, prosecuting with a degree of leniency the leaders who turn state’s evidence and end their criminal conduct and giving no quarter to those who refuse to cooperate.
Port-au-Prince/Brussels, 30 October 2006



Ezili Dantò Note:

Below, Coup Plotter, Stanley Lucas of IRI, writes about "Management Without Principle..."!!!! The IRI man who, according to NY Times "tilted Haiti into Chaos" would like to be taken seriously when he writes about "A Familiar Path to Chaos..."
This New York Times-accused chaos agent, this Haitian agent, "black-face" of IRI, a proven provocateur of political instability, manufacturer of violence and the #1 coup-plotter par-excellence, is actually writing about "principles" and how to meet democratic STANDARDS! Bizarre, to say the least! A US Ambassador, no less, accused Stanley Lucas of IRI of orchestrating instability in Haiti. Yet, here he is writing about "principles" and standards for democratic governance. Sa, se gwo blag! Let it be known, though, that the impunity of Washington-protected Haitian terrorists and coup plotters will be felled and shaken sooner or later, when their uses to Empire is completed, as we see with Toto Constant's recent conviction in the US.

Mr. Lucas writes these bureaucratic tracts, as the one below, ("Management Without Principle, A Path to Chaos..") for his Washington "Democracy" project masters, not for Haitians. All we can echo is the voice of the voiceless in Haiti, who say "the wind has changed" ...,impunity has suffered its first blow with Toto Constant verdict and conviction. Mr. Lucas and his handlers will one day also face chargers for murder, mayhem and destabalization..not for one, but two coup d'etats in Haiti.

Lame Timachet, the rogue police and coup d'etat executioners in the Latortue regime, carried out and still are carrying out, the role FRAPH held in the first Coup d'etat. Political destabilization is Mr. Lucas' specialty and with his various tracts, like the one below, he is pecking at the Preval Government to do what he does best for Washington: create political insecurity, bring on another forceful ouster of a democratically elected Haitian President, the result of which is always the death and further misery of thousands upon thousands of innocent Haitians.

However, Guy Malary and the peasants of Piatre, the peasants of Jean Rabel and the 2004 coup d'etat victims of Fort National, Bel Air, Site Soley, Gran Ravin, Cap Haitian, Gonaives, St. Marc, et al, will one day, come what may, get a hearing. Whether its IRI's Stanley Lucas, the bloody Haitian army's Guy Phillipe, or FRAPH's Toto Constant, the time will come, in the next generation, if not this one, when their Washington handlers won't be able to shield them from their heinous crimes in Haiti. There was a time when folks could write about the CIA and Toto Constant and Toto Constant was protected by his Washington handlers from prosecution. That time is gone. So, one day, will the era of complete impunity in Haiti of the Washington protected or economic elite be over...(See, http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/voting.html#malary ; and http://www.margueritelaurent.com/pressclips/bushblock.html and Legacy of impunity by HLLN, October 30, 2006


Management Without Principle: A Familiar Path to Chaos in Haiti by Stanley Lucas

Washington Democracy Project

Oct. 28, 2006

Management Without Principle: A Familiar Path to Chaos in Haiti

By Stanley Lucas*

Executive Summary

The newly elected Preval Government has been exhibiting decision-making reminiscent of the recent past, specifically the period between 1994 and 2004. The result of decision-making during that period led the country to the chaos of February 2004 with the haphazard departure of Aristide.

The Preval Administration has outlined priorities in line with international governance standards, such as rule of law, human rights protection and free and fair elections. But there is no action plan on how to achieve these standards. And, in fact, the actions being taken are starting to go against these standards.

If the Preval Administration continues down this path, Haiti will be led into chaos yet again. Haitian society and the international community have an opportunity to help change the course by requiring the Haitian government to meet the international guidelines for receiving international aid that all other countries must meet. This will help ensure that there is an appropriate framework in place to support Haiti ’s nascent democracy.

The Aristide Legacy

In October 1994, the United States sent 20,000 troops to reinstate Jean Bertrand Aristide to power and provided more than US$3 billion to support democracy-building in Haiti . Under the theory that all politics are local, the international community pressed Aristide to come up with his own plan for democracy and Haiti’s future and to take ownership of the effort rather than having it led by the international community. Aristide consulted his closest advisors – Philippe Rouzier, Leslie Voltaire and Leslie Delatour – and outlined a plan that focused on stability and security by promoting the rule of law and strengthening the police; initiating a dialogue with Haiti’s civil society; organizing free and fair elections and promoting good governance; privatizing industry; fighting corruption and drug trafficking; respecting human rights and promoting development.

On paper, the plan was a good one. But it had two serious flaws: 1. it was merely a laundry list of objectives with no real action plan; and 2. it empowered Aristide to be the sole owner of the plan rather than taking an approach based on “checks and balances” and supporting the leadership as well as non-government actors. Essentially, the international community backed one man.

The results were disastrous. From 1994 to 2004, Aristide and his associates did just the opposite of their stated goals. Aristide turned against the United States calling the government an “evil power” and developed was a politicized police force and a network of gangs loyal to the government. These gangs operated above the law and were free to take whatever measures they wanted to stamp out any opposition. They burned opposition party headquarters and the private residences of opponents.

Independent judges were dismissed replaced by more cooperative people and a network of paid international lawyers acted as mercenaries for the cause. Elections were rigged three separate times (April 1997, May 2000 and November 2000). Parliament was dissolved; privatization turned into bribery; corruption became rampant, drug trafficking rose to unprecedented levels. With Aristide support, drug traffickers controlled the police, the presidency and its security apparatus, the judicial system and financed rigged elections. Members of Parliament loyal to the president were linked to cocaine trafficking, including the president of the Senate Fourrel Celestin now serving a life sentence in a Florida jail. Political assassination and violations of human rights by the president and his supporters became a normal practice, well known journalists were killed including Brignol Lindor, Jacque Roche. The dean of Haiti ’s state university was severely beaten. Dialogue, a hallmark of the 1994 plan, was later used merely as a tool that was used to flush out opposition.

In the end, Aristide’s gangs took on a life and agenda of their own. There was extensive infighting over power, control and wealth – complete chaos. This infighting led to the events of February 2004 and complete collapse of the government when Aristide resigned and was helicoptered out of the country by US forces as his gang of thugs moved into the capital.

Lessons Learned

In 1996 despite the early signs indicating the government was heading down this path, the donor community remained steadfast in its position that Aristide should lead the efforts to put in place a democratic Haiti as he was the elected leader. Parliament, political parties, Haitian civil society and some donor organizations decried the situation and made numerous pleas to the international community for support -- for free and fair elections, for corruption-fighting , for efforts to redress the lack of transparency in Haitian government, for job creation programs, and on and on -- all to no avail..

Now in 2006, we are again seeing signs of a return to Aristide politics. But this time, we must ensure that the voices of reason and principle prevail. This time we (meaning the donor community and Haitian civil society actors) must insist that the government puts into place a real action plan, rather than the list of objectives that they currently have. Haitian leaders have begun to attack the international community for not providing aid in a timely manner, but international actors much resist the attacks and focus on getting a plan and seeing the actions to fulfill standard requirements for receiving that aid. To date there have been no capacity building efforts or measures by the Haitian government to ensure that aid is implemented effectively. This time, no matter what, Haiti must become a reliable partner, a reliable international actor and results-oriented.

The Current Administration

For the past three months, the Haitian government has made some questionable decisions that, if not redressed, will have a negative impact on the democratization process. It should be noted that Preval has made some personal efforts to reach out to various actors of Haiti ’s political spectrum, but time will tell whether or not these talks are truly intended to establish a real political dialogue or if they are purely cosmetic.

First, by retrieving the charges against Jean Bertrand Aristide in a Florida court the government is sending a signal that accountability is not a priority and will make it difficult to pursue others.

Second, the government pressured judges to free Aristide’s political allies involved in political assassinations.

Third, the government named Samba Boukman, a co-chief of Haiti ’s Operation Baghdad, a gang-organized campaign of violence, as a member of the official presidential disarmament commission. Operation Baghdad has resulted in the murder of 1,821 Haitian citizens, decapitation of 108 police officers, 237 women raped, 500 people kidnapped, including Americans and Canadians.

Fourth, by leaning on their close allies within the Provisional Electoral Council, the government has delayed – and continues to delay – the completion of the remaining legislative elections and the organization of the municipal and local elections.

Five, efforts to politicize the police have resumed. The new inspector general and member of KOREGA in the Grand Anse has a well known history of violence.

Six, a resumption of targeted attacks against journalists including Vario Serant of Alterpresse.

Seven, continuing political assassinations, with the most recent killing of Guy Francois.

Eight, no serious efforts to combat the gangs. Rather the approach has been to appease them. They have essentially “blackmailed” the government – a worrisome trend.

Understanding Those in Power

Currently there is a struggle between two major groups that make up this Administration as well as past Administrations. The first is a group of technocrats willing to play by the rules and promote democracy and good governance. They are at the nexus of international experience and domestic expertise. They are generally well-educated, idealistic and motivated. Most have peasant roots but have staked a serious claim in their country’s future. Unfortunately, they do not have the upper hand.

The second is a minority group who knows no other way to rule other than by mobocracy. They lack a moral compass. They believe in political violence, and use corruption, kidnappings, political assassination, rape, drug trafficking and other illegal activities to secure their positions of power. For them, the United States is an “evil power”, and the international community is weak and can be manipulated. Appointing Samba Boukman, a well-known criminal, as a member of this official disarmament commission is a way for this group to show it does not “report to” the international community. This group of Haitian leaders believes that the plights of Haiti should be blamed on the IMF, the World Bank and others – but not them. Unfortunately for now, these people do have the upper hand.

What Can be Done to Change the Path?

A couple months after the chaos of February 2004, a sense of security and stability was reestablished, human rights violations decreased, and an electoral body was put in place. In addition, relations with the international community strengthened and there was an allocation of US$1.2 billion to Haiti for various restoration and capacity building programs. Despite the serious challenges left by the Aristide regime, and as a transition authority, the interim government was doing a good job of moving the process forward. In 2005 and 2006, concerned Haitian citizens, supported by the international community, heavily invested in the transition process. The 2006 elections constituted the first step for une sortie de crise – or a way out of the political crisis.

Now that an elected government is in place, more needs to be done to strengthen Haiti both politically and economically, but with serious accountability. Haitians, supported by the international community, should continue to mobilize and push for a comprehensive roadmap to strengthen democracy and eliminate mobocracy.

The following is a list of recommendations on how to achieve this. Essentially, it requires that Haiti ’s government leaders go back to the basics and spend time working, structuring, and organizing rather than undertaking endless travel to international conferences that will not contribute to Haiti ’s stability and reconstruction. There is much talk about Constitutional reform. Constitutional reform is not at all a priority (unless perhaps one is interested in “President for Life”). It seems that some foreign mercenaries preoccupied by advancing their careers are more focused on constitutional reform than on taking care of the Haitian people themselves. Haitians are seeking a better security environment and opportunities that will help them provide for their families – not constitutional reforms. So let’s focus on what is priority.

Security: There is a need for a national security strategy with the input of the Executive, Legislative and Judiciary branches. Input from political parties, civil society should be sought out and encouraged. Gang members, thugs and drug dealers are still linked to state affairs and cannot be allowed to participate in official functions. The Haitian government must put a vetting process in place to keep criminals out of its ranks – and have the courage to clear out criminals and others unworthy of the public trust who are already in government. The strengthening of the police including recruitment, training, purchasing of arms in the United States should be supervised by a multifaceted commission with veto power formed by representatives of the Executive branch, the Judiciary, human rights organizations and other civil society organizations. Building a new force, as the Preval Administration has proposed, seems premature and dangerous. Why build a new force when the current one has not be strengthened and cleaned from its ranks the cronies recruited in 1994-2004?

A Policy Agenda : After three months in office, it is time for Haitian government to present the international donors with a strategic economic, social and political action plan. Not a Program to Assist Sinecures (PAS). Their current plan is disorganized and is not comprehensive. It is a list of US$7 billion in projects without any context as to how they fit into Haiti 's overall goals. This plan should include projects in the areas of education, infrastructure, agriculture, health, security, economic development, and environmental protection. Equally important, this plan should take into account international funding requirements and the US$850 million available.

Efficiency in the State Sector: Haiti ’s revenue generating sectors are currently organized to provide kickbacks (bribery) to political allies and cronies. This corruption must stop. The government should show their performance in generating its own revenue from its revenue generating sectors, such as telecommunications, ports, and the tax authority.

Strengthen Domestic Management Capability and Accountability:
The Haitian government needs to build up the capacity to absorb international funds before they are received. The government needs to put in place a human infrastructure that is capable of project and fund management and remove those who are incompetent. They should recruit capable professionals from the Diaspora and within Haiti into government. There are too many unqualified people in the government and it is severely limiting progress. As a capable management team comes in, they must also be subject to strengthened rules to ensure proper oversight and accountability so that the cycle of corruption that has weakened the infrastructure in government in the past is not repeated.

Support Haiti 's Private Sector: Haiti has an eager Chamber of Commerce with 10 chapters throughout the country. They desperately lack information on how to function as a Chamber as well as the ability to carry out the various trade and economic promotion activities normally run by Chambers. In addition, there is a need for micro-credit programs and women's development projects, including women entrepreneurs – a particular opportunity for the IADB. Haiti needs jobs. One way to encourage job creation would be for the U.S. Congress to pass the HOPE legislation that would lower tariffs in certain sectors and promote greater U.S.-Haiti trade. Hopefully the Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, Representative Bill Thomas, and Representative Charles Rangel will do their best to get a vote during Congress’ lame duck session in November. Let’s encourage this effort.

Timely Elections:
There is some concern that there is a deliberate effort to implode the Provisional Electoral Council in order to delay the remaining district Legislative and nationwide Municipal and Local elections scheduled for December 3, 2006. The Haitian voters at the local level and Haitian political parties are getting impatient and the international community has a US$120 million investment in these elections. If they are not carried out in a timely, free and fair manner, this government will have undermined all the current and previous efforts to build viable democratic process.

Arms Control: When the arms embargo is lifted by the United States, mechanisms should be put in place to ensure that arms do not fall into the network of gangs and criminals – as in the 1994-2004 period when the Aristide government actually armed the gangs – but get to legitimate police officers. The National Police Force and a credible commission formed of human rights activist should help enforce this policy.

* Stanley Lucas worked on Afghanistan , the Middle East, Africa and Latin America . Lucas is currently the Executive Director of the Washington Democracy Project

Source: Haiti-Advocacy Goup e-mail

See also: Stanley Lucas and IRI

- The Coup Connection: How an organization financed by the U.S. government has been promoting the overthrow of elected leaders abroad By Joshua Kurlantzick | November/December 2004 Issue
http://www.motherjones.com/news/outfront/2004/11/11_401.html )

- Democracy Undone | Back Channels vs. Democracy
Mixed U.S. Signals Helped Tilt Haiti Toward Chaos

Published: January 29, 2006, New York Times


Recommended Links on Stanley Lucas and IRI:


- Stanley Lucas and IRI

- Stanley Lucas' top four targets in Site Soley at

- IRI: Promulgating Democracy of Another Variety by Jessica Leight - COHA |July 14th 2004

-HLLN comments on Stanley Lucas' "Haiti's Hopeless: Youth Fertile Ground for Terrorists" , August 3, 2006


Stanley Lucas/Washington Democracy Project's July, 2006 Statement


Stanley Lucas' "Haiti's Hopeless Youth - Fertile Ground for Terrorists" August 2, 2006


- New York Times should apologize to Haitians for untruths: Ezili Danto examines "Democracy Undone | Back Channels vs. Democracy Mixed U.S. Signals Helped Tilt Haiti Toward Chaos" where New York Times, two years too late, reluctantly points to US complicity in Haiti's instability but conveniently puts all the blame on IRI's Haitian agent, Stanley Lucas, and none on his bosses, US Ambassador James Foley who, along with IRI head honcho, Senator John McCain, financed, orchestrated and presided over tilting Haiti into chaos.

- Feb. 3, 2006 New York Times Editorial: No Help to Democracy in Haiti

- Democracy Undone | Back Channels vs. Democracy
Mixed U.S. Signals Helped Tilt Haiti Toward Chaos

Published: January 29, 2006, New York Times


( The Coup Connection: How an organization financed by the U.S. government has been promoting the overthrow of elected leaders abroad By Joshua Kurlantzick | November/December 2004 Issue
http://www.motherjones.com/news/outfront/2004/11/11_401.html )

In 2002 and 2003, IRI used funding from the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to organize numerous political training sessions in the Dominican Republic and Miami for some 600 Haitian leaders. Though IRI's work is supposed to be nonpartisan -- it is official U.S. policy not to interfere in foreign elections -- a former U.S. diplomat says organizers of the workshops selected only opponents of Aristide and attempted to mold them into a political force.

The trainings were run by IRI's Haiti program officer, Stanley Lucas, the scion of a powerful Haitian family with long-standing animosity toward Aristide -- Amnesty International says some family members participated in a 1987 peasant massacre. To have Lucas as your program officer sends a message to archconservatives that you're on their side,� says Robert Maguire, a Haiti expert at Trinity College in Washington, D.C.

IRI's anti-Aristide focus appeared to have support from the Bush administration. The former U.S. diplomat in Haiti says Lucas was in constant contact with Roger Noriega, the administration's top Latin America official, who had previously worked for Senator Jesse Helms and had long sought to oust Aristide. Noriega and conservative Republican congressional staffers kept in close touch with IRI-trained opposition leaders and pushed for additional funding for IRI's Haiti activities. "The USAID director in Haiti was under enormous pressure [from Congress] to fund IRI," says the former diplomats? ( The Coup Connection: How an organization financed by the U.S. government has been promoting the overthrow of elected leaders abroad By Joshua Kurlantzick | November/December 2004 Issue
http://www.motherjones.com/news/outfront/2004/11/11_401.html )

Response #1: Letter from Mr. Emmanuel to Stanley Lucas in reference to: Margeurite Laurent: Mwen se kiye bwa mwen pa pe chale"- The new and modern incompetent "intellectual" house nigger.

Response #2 on Stanley Lucas from Yves Erols:
"Zili, pa pedi tan ou avek tyoul blan sa-yo, apatrid sa-yo, moun ki abitye kraze peyi sa-yo... "

Response #3 on Sanley Lucas from Michel Sanon: " Kiyè bwa oubyen Tizon dife?" Nov. 3, 2006

Stanley Lucas' Management Without Principles: A Familiar Path to Chaos in Haiti ,Oct. 28, 2006

Haitian pro-democracy group (Jean Yves Point-du-Jour of "Democracy for Haiti") writes letter protesting IRI delegation in Haiti (in Kreyol and English): Statement concerning the visit of the members of the International Republican Institute (IRI) in Haiti this week, October 26, 2006 |yves@erols.com

Letter from Stanley Lucas to HLLN entitled "Margeurite Laurent: Mwen se kiye bwa mwen pa pe chale"

Conspiracy or Not?

Legacy of Impunity

Response #1: Letter from Mr. Emmanuel to Stanley Lucas in reference to: :Margeurite Laurent: Mwen se kiye bwa mwen pa pe chale"

post below******************
- Response #1: Letter from Mr. Emmanuel to Stanley Lucas in reference
to: "Margeurite Laurent: Mwen se kiye bwa mwen pa pe chale"

- RECOMMENDED BACKGROUND LINKS on IRI and Stanley Lucas' murderous role in Haiti

- Statement concerning the visit of the members of the International Republican Institute (IRI) in Haiti this week, Oct. 26, 2006, Jean Yves Point-du-Jour,
Democracy for Haiti | October 26, 2006 |yves@erols.com

- Letter from Stanley Lucas to HLLN: "Margeurite Laurent: Mwen se kiye
bwa mwen pa pe chale " sent October 25, 2006

Response #1: Letter from Mr. Emmanuel to Stanley Lucas in reference to: :Margeurite Laurent: Mwen se kiye bwa mwen pa pe chale"

From: "mr EMMANUEL" <mr.emmanuel@mail.com>
To: "zili danto" <erzilidanto@yahoo.com>
Date: Thu, 26 Oct 2006 17:21:10 -0500
Subject: Margeurite Laurent: Mwen se kiye bwa mwen pa pe chale

Hi Marguerite,

Object: Response to Stanley Lucas

We have here the perfect example of a modern house nigger. Since the enemy noticed that the traditional house nigger is on the way to extinction; now, he is working hard to create a new one, a modern one, to serve and to worship him. At the same time, the child of the slaves master is encouraging the excessive production of this specimen within our People: the modern incompetent "intellectual" house nigger. Our history reminds us that this modern incompetent "intellectual" house nigger, despite the influence and the power he seems to have, is never competent enough, or to have enough money, influence and power to help his people to make one step forward. In fact, he is just a tool for the enemy who uses him. First, to show and to make white people and the humanity believe that Black People are stupid in the purpose to justify the white supremacy ideology. Second, the enemy also uses him to make our institutions obsolete and/or to destroy them. Therefore, the child of the slave masters can claim that Black People are not competent; so we are unfit to rule our countries without their paternalistic intervention.

The information above should help us to understand the mind set of a man as Stanley Lucas, who, apparently, went to school and has learnt a little bit more than just to read and to write. It is very sad to see, according to the note that he sent previously to Mrs. Marguerite Laurent, that he is unable to understand the meaning of : " To be illiterate does not mean that you are stupid". Unfortunately, all of his studies, his qualifications, his trainings and his experiences have allowed him to understand one thing: If you are illiterate you are stupid. Therefore, according to Mr. Stanley Lucas, when president Jean-Bertrand Aristide says to our People: " To be illiterate does not mean that you are stupid", he is glorifying illiteracy. Obviously, there is no doubt that the modern incompetent "intellectual" house nigger is a strange specimen. He is blind, deaf and confuse when it comes to deal with Truth i.e Actual Facts. We need to explain to this lost and confuse poor fellow that "To be illiterate does mean that you are stupid" simply means that the fact that you do not know how to read and write does not mean that you are not capable to understand what is going on. Otherwise, you may be illiterate but you still have a brain; you are capable of thinking, understanding and making the right decisions to protect, preserve and defend the Freedom and the Well-being of your People, the Sovereignty of your Nation and the Independence of your Country.

As we said in our first paragraph, the modern incompetent "intellectual" house nigger is a tool that our enemy uses to make our institutions obsolete and/or to destroy them. In this perspective, all of us know about the work of Mr. Stanley Lucas and his commitment to achieve the goals of his master. However, we suggest that IRI gives a better training to its puppet. It is a shame for this organization to display a man like this. A man who is blaiming President Jean-Bertrand Aristide to have not gave to Citè Soleil everything that is missing in the whole country. Mr. Stanley Lucas, Citè Soleil is not Haiti. It is just a region of our country. The fact that president Aristide did not give everything that is missing in the country to Cite Soleil is just a proof of the fairness of the man and his government. A man who believes in the following principle: Power to the People , for the People and by the People.

Finally, we believe that we should not give too much attention to this lost and confuse poor fellow. It would be more relevant to work in the perspective to stop or to diminish the excessive production within our People of the new house nigger: the modern incompetent "intellectual" house nigger. We believe also this is our duty to build up strong character and personality; and to develop our self-esteem, love for ourselves and love for our People; as well as loyalty to our People in the purpose to preserve ourselves from becoming this new specimen: the Modern Incompetent "Intellectual" House Nigger.

Mr.Emmanu-EL Djehuty-Thot


Response #2 on Stanley Lucas: "Zili, pa pedi tan ou avek tyoul blan sa-yo, apatrid sa-yo, moun ki abitye kraze peyi sa-yo... "

From: "Yves" <yves@erols.com>
To: "zili danto" <erzilidanto@yahoo.com>, eromulus@cfl.rr.com
CC: "Stanley Lucas" <maloukwi@yahoo.com>, centurionlucas@gmail.com
Subject: Re: Margeurite Laurent: Mwen se kiye bwa mwen pa pe chale
Date: Thu, 26 Oct 2006 21:28:05 –0400

Zili, pa pedi tan ou avek tyoul blan sa-yo, apatrid sa-yo, moun ki abitye kraze peyi sa-yo. Si Stanley Lucas te onet ak tet li, li ta rele pwop fanmi-li nan jistis pou masakre yo masakre ti peyizan Jean-Rabel-yo. Se ti visye sa yo ki ran peyi-a kote li ye la jounen jodi-a. Ti kolon nwa ak kravat sa yo, nou bouke avek yo. Li le pou yo pran konsyans. Se pou yo konpran ke Ayiti se pou tout moun li ye, li pou sa ki an ro-a, li pou sa ki an ba tou, sa ke li di ki bet-yo. Se sak fe li te fe konplo avek blan pou te al kraze yo, mim jan li abitye fe sa Jean Rabel.



Response #3 from Michel Sanon on Stanley Lucas: " Kiyè bwa oubyen Tizon dife?" Nov. 3, 2006

From: "Michel Sanon" <sanmba@hotmail.com>
To: erzilidanto@yahoo.com
CC: editor@haiti-progres.com
Subject: Kiyè bwa oubyen Tizon dife?
Date: Fri, 03 Nov 2006 16:13:54 -0500

Onè ak respè, pitit Desalin!

Mwen vle di w mèsi, anvan tout bagay, pou tout enfòmasyon ou abitywe voye ban mwen.

Mwen te li dokiman sou nonm yo rele Stanley lucas la, mwen santi gen oun ti bagay ki merite klarifye.

Msye di li pa pè chalè, se vre. Sèlman, se pa paske l se kiyè bwa; se
paske li se tizon dife. Siv tras msye tout kote l pase sou latè pou wè ki kokennchenn dega ki fèt kote sayo.

Li klè msye ap chache fè patwon l yo ranje oun lòt misyon sanginè pou l al ekzekite nan zantray pèp Desalin nan, kòm yo pat reyisi krabinen Site Solèy nèt.

Oun gwo kout chapo pou HLLN ak Haïti Progrès pou jan nou abitywe mete kakachat yo deyò pou tout moun ki gen je ka wè longè ke bèt yo.

Kenbe fèm

Sante ak lapè pou nou.




Statement concerning the visit of the members
of the International Republican Institute (IRI) in Haiti this week

It is with great consternation that we have learned from the Haitian media that a mission of the International Republican Institute (IRI) has arrived in Haiti, this week to monitor the development of democracy in the island country. We have found this visit to be extremely shocking.

IRI is one of the organizations which have consistently played a significant role in the destabilization of Haiti in the past decades. IRI has worked with and financed many groups in Haiti that were very instrumental in destroying the democratic process in Haiti. So we find it very ironic that IRI with such records dare to go to Haiti to assess the development of democracy. How can one forget the fact that after the May legislative and November presidential elections of 2000, Micheline Begin, the then IRI Representative in Haiti has declared that “they will not let Aristide govern the country with his party having control of both chambers of the legislature�, and the rest is history. How can one forget the actions of Stanley Lucas, former IRI employee in Washington DC who was one of the main coordinators of the actions of the civil society including Guy Philippe and company; to name a few. Moreover, IRI is one arm of the U. S. Republican Party's machinery trying to suppress the rights of the masses to elect their own representatives around the world. IRI is not about democracy. Therefore, we are denouncing their present visit and hope that it is the last time that those people will set foot in Haiti. Enough is enough. Yes, we need to build the country; yes we need to unite the country but not working with those people whose motto is division, exploitation and repression.

Jean Yves Point-du-Jour,
Democracy for Haiti
October 26, 2006


Krèyol Tradiksyon:

Deklarasyon sou visit mam IRI an Ayiti semen-sa:

Sè avèk ou gwo sézisman nou tandé nan laprès ké “International Republican Institute” ou “IRI” rivé an Ayiti semèn-sa pou vin gadé ki jan demokrasi ap devlopé nan zilé-a. Nou twové visit-sa ékstrèman chokan.

IRI sé youn nan òganizasyon ki toujou jwé youn wòl empotan nan déstabilizé Ayiti nan lané ki sot pasé –la yo. IRI té travay épi finansé ou ban gwop an Ayiti kité toujou jwé ou wòl klé nan détwi prosésis démokratik-la an Ayiti. Kididonk, mwen twové sa vrèman ironik ké IRI avèk dosyé-sa gin kouraj pou li alé an Ayiti pou al wè kijan démokrasi ap dévlopé nan péyi dayiti. Koman poun’ta bliyé ké aprè éléksyion législativ Mé 2000 e éléksyion prézidansyèl Désamm 2000-yo, Micheline Begin ki té réprezantan IRI an Ayiti épòk-sa té déklaré “yo paka kité Aristide gouvèné péyi-a avèk pati li-a ki kontwolé tou 2 cham-yo nan paleman”, e nou konen sa kité pasè apré sa. Koman pou’n ta bliyé aksyion Stanley Lucas ki té youn nan amplwayé IRI nan Washington DC é kité youn nan moun ki tap koodoné aksyion sosyété sivil ak tout Guy Philippe élatriyé, pou’n sité sayo sèlman. Anplis de sa, IRI sé youn nan enstriman ké pati répibliken ameriken itilizé pou siprimé dwa mass pèp pou éli réprézantan-yo atravè lémond. Sé poutèt-sa, nap dénonsé vizit-sa é nou éspéré ké sé dènyé fwa moun-sa yo ap mété pyé-yo an Ayiti. Nou di asé. Wi nou vlé bati péyi-nou; wi nou vlé ini péyi nou, min nou pap travay avèk moun-sa yo ki gin pou deviz éksplwatasyion, divizyion ak réprésyion.

Jean Yves Point-du-Jour,
Democracy for Haiti
October 26, 2006


Letter from Stanley Lucas to HLLN:
"Margeurite Laurent: Mwen se kiye
bwa mwen pa pe chale "

Date: Wed, 25 Oct 2006 10:04:52 -0700 (PDT)
From:"Stanley Lucas" <maloukwi@yahoo.com
Subject: Margeurite Laurent: Mwen se kiye bwa mwen pa pe chale
To: centurionlucas@gmail.com
CC: ezilidanto@lists.riseup.net, erzilidanto@yahoo.com

Mwen we ke wap voye gwo kominike monte sou zafe komante ke mwen fe sou zafe analfabet. Mwen pa lobyst pou pesonn se demokrasi ki bousol mwen. Mwen we ke genyen ampil lavalassien ki move pou tet plizye emisyon ke mwen fe sou koman yon pati politik demokratik fonksyonne sou www.radioclassiqueinter.com ak radio energy Boston. Neg yo ap bay jounalis presyon, yo move e ou santi si jounalis sa yo te potoprens yo ta boule yo, touye yo, men jan yo abitye fe sa ak Brignol Lindor elatrye. Yo move paske mwen fe komante sou deklarasyon Aristide te fe: "Analfabet pa bet". Mezanmi mwen pa pran nan kaponay.

Leu zanmi ou Jean Bertrand Aristide kampe nan figi pep la li deklare " Analfabet pa bet" lap manke pep la dega. Paske Ti Moris ki chita an afrik di sid ak 300 milyon dola ameriken pep la (rapo komisyon Paul Denis ak lajistis kap chache msye Florida ak zanmi dwog li yo) konen tre bien ke analfabet pa kapab travay nan faktori, analfabet pa kapab travay nan Mc Donald, nan Lotel ou kom dokte. Nan mond sa a yon neg ki analfabet ou se yon esklav modenn. Kidonk leu wap fe apoloji analfabet olieu ke ou ankouraje noun al lekol se yon mechancete, se yon zak kriminel. Deklarasyon sa se yon fason pou kembe pep la nan fe nwa pou li menm kom met dam kontinye byen mennen.

Leu pep la pa kapab li, li pa kapab analize, leu pep pa kapab konte li pa kapab kalile. Ti moris vle kembe pep la nan fe nwa tankou analfabet ki bet pou li kapab kontinye bay manti e sevi ak leta tankou chwal papa. Ti Moris vle kembe pep la analfabet pou bourik kontinye travay pou chwal galonen.

Madame Laurent kap defan Ti pe a fache. Ti pe ki ta brize kraze peyi poul kap byen menen. Di mwen Madame Laurent: Kombyen lekol ke Ti Moris konstwi site soley leu li te prezidan? Kombyen Lopital ke ti Moris konstwui site soley leu li te prezidan? Tampri di mwen nan kombyen kay ke li mete dlo pou moun bwe nan site soley? Tanpri di mwen nan kombyen kay site soley ke gouvenman Ti Moris la mete kouran Site Soley? Di Mwen ki agrandisman ki fet sou ti Moris nan Inivesite Deta pou voye jenn site soley yo lekol?

O kontre, olieu Ti Moris bay pep la bon bet, mete lespri nan tet jenn site soley li bayo zam, zam fann fwa pou boule mache pep la, kraze bak ti machann, li bayo lisans pou kidnape, vyole, kadejak elatrye.

Mwen pa pran nan divesyon ak kaponay, menas. Pandan ke wap kontinye voye monte, travay mwen pou demokrasi ki te simen an donen ap kontinye. Experyans mwen lot kote seke demokrasi toujou mete bon jan ledikasyon ak lot oportinite pou pep la. Gade kijan demokrasi ki simen isit kote wap viv pemet ou kale ko ou, gen gwo diplom, ou pale angle, kreyol, franse, aloske ti moris did pep la jan nou ye a nou bon " analfabet pa bet". Sa pral chanje, analafabet yo pral lekol pou demagogue sispann jwe avek lavi yo.

Mwen pa gentan pou mwen pedi ak radyo ke ti Moris ap finanse kap fe pwopagand pou femen je pep la e kreye divizyon. Tankou pwoveb la di " Se le van soufle ou we deye poul"

Pou radi ke ou di mwen radi, devan letenel, se vre. Si ou pat konen Ayisyen ki respekte tet you fet radi.

Edwidge Romulus' - Radyès Stanley Lucas se ..."Yon mank dega ak insilt pou tout Ayisyen... ANALFABET PA BET"

CC: erzilidanto@yahoo.com
From: Edwige Romulus
Date: Tue, 24 Oct 2006 19:02:09 -0400
Subject: Yon mank dega ak insilt pou tout ayisyen

Ayisyen frè ak sè-m yo,

Nan yon emisyon radyo ki rele "Seròm Verite" ki pase chak dimanch soti nan
dezè (2:00 PM) pou rive katrè (4:00PM) sou divès radyo nan dyaspora-a ak peyi
d'Ayiti tankou Radyo Unite (unitehaiti. com), Radyo Louvri Je (radiolouvrije.
org), Radyo Pa nou (radiopanou. com), Afroayiti.com, elatrye, Misye Staley
Lucas deklare ke "Analfabèt se bèt".Bagay sa-a te rive ayè lè radyo sa yo te
tanmen yon diskisyon sou sa ki konsènen peyi d'Ayiti. Se konsa Misye Stanley
Lucas te rele Radyo Unite nan West Palm Beach pou-l te fè yon entèvansyon.
Nan voye monte Stanley Lucas kòmkwadire se "Gwo Pèp"-la ki lakòz Jean
Dominique, Brignol Lindor, Jacques Roche mouri, yon nan jounalis yo, Edwige
Romulus, te troke kòn ak misye. Lè sa-a Misye Stanley Lucas montre koulè-l ak
diskriminasyon- l aklè kont moun nan Bèlè, Site Soley, Gran Ravin, Solino,
Raboto, elatrye. Nou kwè se yon frekansite melanje ak yon pèmèt lè nou konnen
ki sa lafanmi Lucas, Puadvien elatrye te fè kont abitan Jan Rabèl ak divès
lòt zòn nan peyi-a. Se akòz moun tankou Staley Lucas kifè nou gen yon gwo
kantite moun ki pa konn li ni ekri. Se lakòz moun sa yo ki fè gen kantite
moun pòv sa yo nan peyi-a. Se lakòz moun tankou Stanley Lucas sa-yo ki fè egn
inegalite nan sosyete-a. Mr. Staley Lucas montre aklè ke-l se yon senkyèm
kolòn. Pou deklarasyon fasis sa, nou mande yon ekskiz piblik nan men Misye
Stanley Lucas. Radyès sila, nou pap aksepte-l nan men pèpap. ANALFABET PA BET

Other Recommemded HLLN Links:
- The Morally Repugnant Business Elites (MREs) of Haiti
- The Issue With Disarmament
- International laws violated by US role in the Bicentennial Coup D'etat

The Haitian Psyche by Ezili Danto, August 14, 2004
Understanding Haitian resistance and psyche (no matter what Haiti's docile Black overseers (MREs), Haiti's Chalabis or mentally colonized intellectuals or professionals may lobby or say to the contrary) is critical. The Haitian NARRATIVE, as outlined, from 1 to 4 below, attest for why Neocolonialism, "protectorate" and re-occupation will never work, in the long term, in Haiti:

1. "Se pa kado blan te fè nou, se san zanset nou yo ki te koule" Haitian National Anthem | "Haiti wasn't gifted to us by the white colonists, it's ours by the blood of our Ancestors" - Haitian National Anthem (See, Dessalines' Law and
The Three Ideals of Dessalines.)

2. "I want the assets of the country to be equitably divided" - Jean Jacques Dessalines (The Life, Ideals and Triumphs of Haiti's founding father, Why Neocolonialism is unseemly in Haiti )

Jean Jacques Dessalines, said, "I Want the Assets of the
Country to be Equitably Divided
" and for that he was assassinated.
That was the first coup d'etat, the Haitian holocaust - organized exclusion of the masses, misery, poverty and the impunity of the economic elite - continues (with Feb. 29, 2004 marking the 33rd coup d'etat). Haiti's peoples continue to resist the return of despots, tyrants and enslavers who wage war on the poor majority and Black, contain-them-in poverty through neocolonialism' debts, "free trade" and foreign "investments;" These neocolonial tyrants refuse to allow an equitable division of wealth, excluding the majority in Haiti from sharing in the country's wealth and assets.

Who killed Dessalines, Haiti's founding father?
Toussaint Louverture was kidnapped and killed by the French. The Haitians most allied to the white colonists then killed Haiti's founding father. Petion/Gerin- the Reactionary Mulatto Generals more allied to French/colonial economic and cultural interests than the Haitian majority.
ollowing Dessalines' assassination in 1806, under the long Mulatto and Eurocentric presidencies of Petion (12 years) and Boyer (25 years), the name Dessalines was execrated, declared loathsome, cursed, marginalized and not allowed to be spoken. Neocolonialism had begun in Haiti, would be formalized with Boyer's "Independence Debt" ($22 billion with the last slave-trade payment made in 1947 to US, the richest country in the world by Haiti, the most defenseless and poorest. See HLLN's Open Letter to the People of France.) The legacy of the impunity and undemocratic offenses of this one class and sector of Haitian society, continues to this day…This Haitian economic elite with their foreign allies cannot accept the principal of one citizen-one vote because it would mean that they would lose their privileges and influence. Hence the Feb. 29, 2004 coup d'etat and current UN protectorate under President Preval which pursues the interests of foreigners and their black overseers in Haiti.

3. IMF (Haitians reject financial colonialism)

4. Thank you Father Dessalines


Haiti pulls back from the brink
Campaign aims to disarm gangsters; 'A country where almost everything is broken' | STEVENSON JACOBS | AP |Monday, October 30, 2006

Haiti pulls back from the brink
Campaign aims to disarm gangsters; 'A country where almost everything is broken'

Monday, October 30, 2006

Protester shouts anti-UN slogans Friday as he holds a poster of former president Jean Bertrand Aristide.

Young men with pistols roam the fetid slums of Haiti's capital - but now many are looking for jobs instead of victims. Children in checkered uniforms walk to school on dusty streets where stray bullets used to whiz past.

Five months into Haiti's latest attempt at democracy, small but important improvements have pulled the Caribbean nation from the brink of collapse. Perhaps most notably, an unprecedented wave of kidnappings that terrorized Haitians rich and poor finally seems to be levelling off.

Only a year ago, Haiti was engulfed in violence that began with the February 2004 rebel uprising that toppled President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Hundreds, possibly thousands, died in almost daily clashes among well-armed gangs, former rebels, rogue police and UN peacekeepers.

Today, a new government led by elected President Rene Preval has passed a budget, begun to collect taxes, raised $750 million U.S. in foreign aid and launched a campaign to disarm hundreds of gangsters.

The economy is starting to show small but encouraging signs of life. Double-digit inflation that soared after the revolt is starting to fall, while vital cash sent home by Haitians working abroad has increased and overall growth is expected to reach 2.5 per cent this year.

"It's a very different place today," U.S. ambassador Janet Sanderson said. "There are some real accomplishments and some real things that, when looked at over a year, are encouraging."

Peace and stability are far from assured. Huge challenges remain, from employing hungry slum dwellers and rebuilding shattered infrastructure to equipping Haiti's outgunned police.

"This is a country where almost everything is broken," Sanderson said.
A drive across the capital, along streets cratered by giant potholes, underscores her point.

Street children with swollen bellies beg for money, crying "I'm hungry" in Creole as they cluster around stopped cars. Few Haitians have electricity or running water. Jobs are scarce.

Acrid black smoke rises day and night from burning tires thrown on trash heaps.
Haiti ranked 153rd out of 177 countries in the UN's most recent report on global quality of life, behind Sudan and Zimbabwe and ahead of such countries as Nigeria, Congo and Sierra Leone. A recent World Bank report lists Haiti as one of 26 states at risk of collapse.

But buoyed by its modest progress, the government is wooing foreign investors, even touting Haiti as a Caribbean vacation spot.

"There is some kind of window of opportunity and the sense of stability that the country has some future," said Edmond Mulet, the UN special envoy to Haiti.
"It's still a fragile situation. I wouldn't say we've turned a corner yet, but I think in the next months we'll be able to assume that, hopefully."

The key will be security.

After the revolt, gangs loyal to Aristide launched a wave of killings and kidnappings aimed at destabilizing a U.S.-backed interim government, which was accused of persecuting Aristide supporters. Everyone was a potential victim - from foreign missionaries to security guards to former first lady Lucienne Heurtelou Estime, an elderly widow shot to death at a jewellery store in May.

The number of reported kidnappings fell from about 80 in August to half that last month, Mulet said. Officials attribute the decrease to government-led negotiations with gangs and increased police and UN patrols.

Last month, the government unveiled a UN-administered program to disarm up to 1,000 low-level gangsters in exchange for food grants, civics courses and training for such jobs as mechanics and electricians.

So far, 109 Haitians have been enrolled, Mulet said, and dozens of weapons recovered.

"We must disarm to have peace," said Alix Fils-Aime, who leads the national disarmament commission. "It's a make-or-break situation. If we don't do it, the whole country will drown in criminality."

But gang leaders wanted for murder and other serious crimes aren't eligible for the program, and Haitians fear gang members will return to kidnapping if they don't get jobs, which are scarce.

On a recent day in the sprawling Cite Soleil slum, three young gang members sat outside a squat cinderblock house, puffing on a huge marijuana cigarette and complaining.

"A lot of people here are hungry," Richard Jean-Baptiste said, adding that he'd like to work as a trucker. The other men nodded in agreement.

"We need jobs. The new government promised us help, but we're still waiting," said Joseph Jean, 27, who claimed to be broke even though he wore expensive sneakers and a cell phone clipped to his designer jeans.

He said he surrendered a pistol but has yet to hear if he will be accepted into the UN program.

"We're giving over the guns," he said. "Now we want peace."
The Gazette (Montreal) 2006

Dessalines Is Rising!!
Ayisyen: You Are Not Alone!

"When you make a choice, you mobilize vast human energies and resources which otherwise go untapped...........If you limit your choices only to what seems possible or reasonable, you disconnect yourself from what you truly want and all that is left is a compromise." Robert Fritz

HLLN's controvesy
with Marine
US occupiers
Lt. Col. Dave Lapan faces off with the Network
Solidarity Day Pictures & Articles
May 18, 2005
Pictures and Articles Witness Project
Drèd Wilme, A Hero for the 21st Century


Pèralte Speaks!

Yvon Neptune's
Letter From Jail
April 20, 2005

(Kreyol & English)
Click photo for larger image
Emmanuel "Dread" Wilme - on "Wanted poster" of suspects wanted by the Haitian police.
Emmanuel "Dread" Wilme speaks:
Radio Lakou New York, April 4, 2005 interview with Emmanuel "Dread" Wilme

Crucifiction of
Emmanuel "Dread" Wilme,
a historical

Urgent Action:
Demand a Stop
to the Killings
in Cite Soleil

Sample letters &
Contact info
Denounce Canada's role in Haiti: Canadian officials Contact Infomation

Urge the Caribbean Community to stand firm in not recognizing the illegal Latortue regime:

Selected CARICOM Contacts
zilibutton Slide Show at the July 27, 2004 Haiti Forum Press Conference during the DNC in Boston honoring those who stand firm for Haiti and democracy; those who tell the truth about Haiti; Presenting the Haiti Resolution, and; remembering Haiti's revolutionary legacy in 2004 and all those who have lost life or liberty fighting against the Feb. 29, 2004 Coup d'etat and its consequences
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