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List of anti-government
and subcontracted
Haitian NGOs
financed by

et al..(Check often for updates.
Our Investigation continues.
Last updated - June, 2008).

Une bourgeoisie déracinée!
The Mercenarie Families
La Bourgeoisie Haitienne: Une Bourgeoisie Mediocre
, Nov. 2007 (Photos), Feb. 2008

Partial List of Haitian recipients of USAID/IRI/NED/IFES/European Union/CIDA funding to destabilize, starve democracy, keep the majority contained-in-poverty, foment violence and coup d'etat, mostly under "democracy enhancement programs" or the guise of bringing "development, justice and peace

The 2004 Removal of Jean-Bertrand Aristide


Ezili's HLLN on oversight needed on USAID
Desroches and Apaid get Euro funding for anti-government civil society front

USAID - Haiti: Program Data Sheet ***********************

Civilian Attaches working for foreign interests to destroy Haitian Sovereignty

Feeding Dependency, Starving Democracy: USAID Policies in Haiti


IRI and Stanley Lucas ***********************

The Massacres and Imprisonments (2004 - 2006)

The Seven Families: Lekòl Lage
CIDA’s Key Role in Haiti’s 2004 Coup d’État: Funding Regime Change, Dictatorship and Human Rights Atrocities, one Haitian "NGO" at a Time

Haiti - The Virtual Jewish History Tour
Bigio - Haiti's wealthy prosper while the poor decline

Gilbert Bigio's Company – GB Group owns interests in sixteen of Haiti's largest companies

Haiti economic elite families adapting to new competition
, October 1996

Dessalines Is Rising!!
Ayisyen: You Are Not Alone!



Who are some of the subcontracted Haitians?: the wealthy families in Haiti, mostly former asylum seekers from generations back, (Arab, Egyptian, Lebanese, Syrian, Germans and Sephardic Jews running from religious persecutions, economic deprivations or political oppression) who found SANCTUARY, ASYLUM and a SAFE-HAVEN in Haiti, but who thank the Haitian nation and peoples' hospitality with a bloody history of hiring paramilitaries, private security/attaches and military to promote their own personal wealth; morally repugnant economic opportunist who thank the Black Haitian nation by using their skin privileges, monies and international passports and connections to work with foreign agents, imperialists and Neocons to bring coup d'etat and neoliberalism, death projects that benefit their personal wealth and greed at the expense of the exploitation and containment-in-poverty of the Haitian majority: Acra, Mevs, Brandt, Nadal, Coles, Baussan, Vital, Vorbes, Madsen, Kouri, Sada, Loukas, Boulos, Bigio, and others...pulling the instability strings in the shadows.

The Seven Mercenaries

Une bourgeoisie déracinée!

List of protected Coup d'etat attaches - Lame Timanchet
La Bourgeoisie Haitienne: Une Bourgeoisie Mediocre, Nov. 2007

LA BOURGEOISIE HAITIENNE : Une bourgeoisie médiocre, (Photos), Feb. 2008

HLLN Campaign Five
Bigio - Haiti’s few Jews hold on to history

Brant Family History

























****************************** ***************

Haitian recipients of USAID/IRI/NED/EU to destabilize, starve democracy and foment violence and Coup D'etat, mostly under the guise of "democracy or justice and peace enhancement programs

****************************** ***************
The subcontracted Haitians below have sold the nation to foreigners and their NGOs in exchange for visas, jobs and a few "trickle down" dollars:

Stanley Lucas* (For more on Stanley Lucas see Bush's man for Cuba author of the Haitian Disaster )

M. Rosny Desroches

M. Rosny Desroches, The Initiative de la Societe Civile (ISC)

Andy Apaid, Jr., The Fondation Nouvelle Haiti (FNH)

Andy Apaid, Jr., Group 184

M. Rosny Desroches, Fondation Haitienne de l'Enseignement Prive (FONHEP)

Democratic Convergence Coalition

Gerard Gourgue, President of Democratic Convergence and legal consultant to
Altech (a Belgium firm to build a purified water system known as Hydopur
in Haiti's Artibonite Valley

* Judith Roy, Democratic Convergence (member)
* Arcelin Paul, Democrataic Convergence (member)
* Ariel Henry, Democratic Convergence (member)
* Gerard Gourgue, Democratic Convergence (member)

Himmler Rebu, army officer involved in several coup attempts

Leopold Berlanger, Radio Vision2000

Suzy Castor, Organisation du Peuple en Lutte (political party)& CRESFED

Jessie Benoit, Konakom (political party) and MOUFHED

Jean-Claude Bajeux - CEDH

Pierre Esperance, National Coalition for Haitian Rights (NCHR)

Michele Pierre-Louis, Fondation Connaissance et Libertè (fokal)

Herard Abraham, Minister Affair Etrange

Herbert Widmaier - Association National Media Ayisyen - (ANMR), Director/Radyo

Ann Marie Issa - Vis Prezidan, Association National Media Ayisyen -(ANMR), Signal FM, (also a current member of the Coup D'etat's "Wise Council.")

- Rico Duplan, Director, Federasyon Baro Ayisyen (AMANA)
(Gervais Charles, member of Group 184 replaced Rico Duplan as head of AMANA.
AMANA funded ANDM)

- Jean Peres Paul, Assosiasyon Nasyonal Des Majistra (ANDM) | ANAMAH, the national judges' association, was created by USAID programs and heavily funded by the IFES program as part of the effort to set up a civil society opposition to Haiti's constitutional government.

- Federation des Etudiants Universitaires d'Haiti, similarly created by IFES through USAID funding to subvert Haiti's democratically elected government.

- Other, subcontracted Haitians include:PAPDA, CARLI, CONAP and ENFOFANM.

CIDA’s Key Role in Haiti’s 2004 Coup d’État: Funding Regime Change, Dictatorship and Human Rights Atrocities, one Haitian "NGO" at a Time)

The Massacres & Abitrary imprisonments (See, Bush bloodbath brought to Haiti: List of Victims and Massacres since the Bi-centennial Coup D'etat): Under the leadership of de facto Haitian authorities (from 2004 to 2006), such as:

Bernard Gousse, Former Minister of Justice;

Henri Dorlèan, his successor as defacto Justice Minister

Herard Abraham
, defacto Minister of Foreign Affairs (former army general and former interior minister under Latortue)

Lèon Charles, Former de facto Chief of Police

Mario Andresol, current defacto Chief of Police

David Basile, defacto Secretary of State for Public Security

Renand Etienne
, Direction Departementale De L'Ouest ("DDO") with US/UN- backed men-in-black-former-Haitian-military dressed-up as "police" referred as CIMO or SWAT units and their civilian attaches in regular clothes, allegedly hired by Renand Etienne's DDO as

A.S. DDO operatives - (such as
"Jaki" who is accused of taking part in the Solino (August 5-10, 2005 Solino machete massacres of even a pregnant woman;
and other similar acting A.S.-DDO operatives such as the ones known to their Bel Air Haitian victims as:

Jean Yves “Nasson” Gerald;
Narage “Eleus” Laguerre;
St. Gor “Père Reklè” Clermond; and,
“Gwo Fanfan” who were, according to the people in Bel Air, the shooters who fired into the crowd killing and wounding peaceful unarmed demonstrators February 28, 2005 in plain sight of Haitian police, international media and UN troops.

Chief of police at Martissant - Summer Camp For Peace Soccer Massacre, on Aug. 20 and 21, 2005: According to witnesses who live in the Grand Ravine area, more than 50 people where slaughtered during a soccer game on Sat. August 20 and the next day, Sunday, August 21, 2005 by civilian attaches to the Haitian police, particularly to the chief of police of Martissant. Victims and witnesses testified that these attaches wore red shirts and head bands and were equipped with machetes and hatchets distributed by the police at the Martissant police station. The people of Grand Ravine and those attending the soccer match recognized and identified these executioners the same men who were at least a month previously thrown out of the area as trouble makers and among whom were some of the prison escapees let out during the coup d'etat. (AUMODH report) The people in the Martissant area identify some of these assassins by name as follows:

Georges Jean Yves,
Gérard, aka, Gwo l'Ombril (Big Belly Button),
Élifet aka Tête Calé (Shaved Head),
Ti Clody,
Apoupann aka Colonel,
Ronald Toussaint,
Kiki ,
Rocky Rambo, and
Cliska. - (See:
List of Coup d'etat attaches - Lame Timanchet)

Fort National Massacre on October 26, 2004 - A certain Desiral, agent #4 in the police force was the head of the men-in-black commando unit that massacred 18 people at Fort National. After the massacre, said Desiral, was promoted within the police "agent" ranks. (Bush bloodbath brought to Haiti: List of Victims and Massacres and List of protected Coup d'etat attaches - Lame Timanchet )

The US-installed and maintained de facto Latortue regime has presided over systematic State-sponsored summary executions, indefinite detentions, mutilations, rapes and brutal repression in Haiti. The witch hunt against Lavalas and the poor demanding return to Constitutional rule from Feb. 29, 2004 to present led by the above-identified de facto Haitian authorities are supported, encouraged and guided by the coordinated and focused efforts of the US/Canada and France through military, technical, diplomatic and humanitarian pressure along with unremitting UN and Haiti "police" incursions into the poor sections of Haiti. (Note, for example, the diplomatic and public dispatches of the chief U.S. architects of the bi-centennial Coup D'etat -

Roger Noreiga,
James Foley and
Haiti Democracy Project's Timothy Carney (the interim US ambassador replacing James Foley and former US ambassador to Haiti (1998 to 1999)

- as they push for more aggressive UN action and do not discourage the summary execution of people in the black poor neighborhoods demanding return of the Constitutional government. Noreiga's comments to Miami Herald and Foley's comments, (trial by innuendo against Haiti's poor and strongest political party) on July 4, 2005 (reported by AHP) singling out Lavalas as "bandits," "gangsters" and clearly signaling to UN & MINUSTHA permission to continue their brutal incursions and be more aggressive in silencing these US policymakers' political oppositions in Haiti.)
- Look up generally our Human Rights Reports, Ezili Danto Witness Project, Press Work, Ezili Danto Listserve and Haitian Perspectives.

For brief background information, see,
International Politics and Haiti in 2004 - On events of February 2004; why the US and France fueled the fire of coup d'etat in Haiti, ordered Aristide's Steel Security detail to leave immediately, conducted Haiti's 33rd Coup, flew Aristide to the Central African Republic where a France-allied strongmen had removed said countries elected president the year before, then after Jamaica gave Aristide temporary asylum, Condoleezza Rice threatened Jamaica if Aristide stayed in the Western Hemisphere. "Ms. Rice told the Jamaican Government that if Aristide was not expelled immediately, and anything happened to American forces in Haiti, that the consequences of that would be exacted against a president or against Jamaica by the United States with full force." See, Democracy Now: Condoleezza Rice Threatens Jamaica Over Aristide. The Bush Administration replaced the ousted constitutional Haitian government with a Florida contingent, Duvalierists, neo-conservative anti-poor Haitian economic elites, CIA-FRAPH assassins and bloody ex-military officers.

Canada's Role in the Coup D'etat in Haiti
France's Role in the Coup D'etat in Haiti
List of Coup d'etat attaches - Lame Timanchet

According to Ronald St. Jean interview on August 11, 2005 with
a correspondent in Haiti for the Ezili Danto Witness Program, the Coup D'etat
organizations where paid more than 100million dollars to destroy the
Constitutional government. IRI and IFES financed and empowered Coup
D'etat groups, organizing monthly workshops for these organizations in
the Dominican Republic with the students and university professors like
Hubert DeRonceray, with ANMH radio stations, radio journalists and
right wing press like Leopold Berlanger (RadioVision2000), Ann Marie
Issa (Cignal FM), Widmaier (Radio Metropole); and human rights
organizations such as NCHR and Jean Claude Bajeux's organization.
Herard Abraham met with Ravix in the Dominican Republic with these
monies to buy arms and financed troops for the Coup D'etat.
In an updated interview with Ezili Danto on August 18, 2005 on the
Ronald St. Jean interview, our Ezili Danto (ED)collaborator indicated that Apaid's
organization, FNH, received 900million in Euros from the European

According to the ED source, Rosemond St. Jean and Apaid agrued
because Rosemond St. Jean accused Apaid of taking the money and that
his organization did not get a good apportionment.


There are fourteen organisations listed by the EC as among those receiving EC funding
via M. Desroches and the FNH. These 14 organisations are:

FNH - Fondation Nouvelle Haiti;
CCIH - Chambre de commerce et d'industrie;
CNEH - Confederation Nationale des educateurs haitiens;
OGITH - Organisation generale independante des travailleurs haitiens;
CRESFED - Centre de Recherche et de Formation Economique et Sociale;
MOUFHED - Mouvement des femmes haitiennes pour l'education et le
CEDH - Centre oecumenique des droits humains;
Commission Justice et Paix;
Femmes en democratie;
KOP (Coordination des organisations populaires);
CEPRODHD - Centre pour la promotion des droits humains et de la
democratie en Haiti;
FPDH - Fondation pour la Promotion des droits de l'homme;
CREDH - Centre de recherche pour le developpement humain;
CED - Collectif pour l'education et le developpement.

*With USAID monies - a $2 million grant - in 1998, Stanley Lucas, working for the IRI "hosted some of Aristide's most virulent opponents in political training sessions. What he did was he merged all of these disparate groups into one big party called the Democratic Convergence. Now, the Democratic Convergence is not a traditional political party, it's more like the political wing of a coup, because the strategy that it took was to forego the democratic process entirely. Boycott elections and initiate what seemed like an endless sequence of provocative protests. Between 2000 and 2002, the Democratic Convergence rejected over 20 internationally sanctioned power sharing agreements which heightened the tension and provoked more violence. " (see, Stanley Lucas and IRI).




1. The 2004 Removal of Jean-Betrand Aristide | Center For Cooperative Research

2. Feeding Dependency, Starving Democracy: USAID Policies in Haiti

Grassroots International | 6 March 1997 |

3 . Desroches and Apaid get Euro Funding for anti-government civil society front (http://haitisupport.gn.apc.org/184%20EC.htm)

4 . Stanley Lucas and the International Republican Institute (IRI)

5 . ) USAID- Haiti: Program Data Sheet

6 . http://www.haitipolicy.org/HDPRpt4.htm#TOC2_1 - Names

7 . Help Save Yvon Neptune's Life - Yvon Neptunes' Letter From Jail , February 24, 2005 http://www.williambowles.info/haiti-news/2005/neptune_jail.html

8. World History Archives': The working-class history of the Republic of Haiti

9 . Propaganda War Intensifies Against Haiti as Oppositon Grabs for Power by Kevin Pina, Black Commentator, Oct. 30, 2003.

10 . "...even the departing U.S. Ambassador to Haiti, Brian Curran, lashed out against some U.S. political operatives, calling them the "Chimeres of Washington" (a Haitian term for political criminals). The most recent of these Chimeres have been associated with the Haiti Democracy Project (HDP), headed by former State Department official James Morrell and funded by the right-wing Haitian Boulos family.

In December 2002, the HDP literally created from whole cloth a new public relations face for the official opposition, the "Coalition of 184 Civic Institutions," a laundry list of Haitian NGOs funded by USAID and/or the IRI, as well as by the Haitian-American Chamber of Commerce and other groups.

During the [1991-1994] coup and since, USAID-sponsored "democracy enhancement" has done its job: whole segments of the popular movement were chilled or co-opted. Popular leaders were at first killed off or encouraged to emigrate; later, many of the rest were bought off. What was once among the most mobilized populations in the hemisphere has become severely demobilized." Still Up Against the Death Plan in Haiti: The Aristide government is straitjacketed by U.S. low-intensity warfare and neoliberal economic demands by Tom Reeves, Dollars and Sense, Sept/Oct. 2003


The Selected Articles:


The 2004 Removal of Jean-Betrand Aristide


Early May 2003 Haiti Coup

A group of at least 20 paramilitary soldiers—trained and funded by the US (see (2001-2004)) —cross into Haiti from the neighboring Dominican Republic and attack a hydroelectric power plant on Haiti's central plateau. Shortly after the attack, Dominican authorities, at the behest of the Haitian government, arrest five men, including Guy Philippe, in connection with the paramilitary operation. But they are quickly released by the Dominicans who say there is no evidence of their involvement in the attack. Philippe is interviewed by the Associated Press afterwards and asked what he is doing in the Dominican. Philippe, who mentions to the reporter that he would support a coup against Aristide, refuses to “say how he makes a living or what he does to spend his time in the Dominican Republic.” Less than one year later, Philippe will participate in the overthrow of the Aristide government. [The Black Commentator, 5/15/2003] On the same day the five men are detained, Haitian authorities raid the Port-au-Prince residence of mayoral candidate Judith Roy of the Democratic Convergence opposition. The Haitians claim to find “assault weapons, ammunitions, and plans to attack the National Palace and Aristide's suburban residence.” The Haitian government contends that Roy is close to Philippe. [The Black Commentator, 5/15/2003]

People and organizations involved:
Guy Phillippe, Democratic Convergence, Judith Roy

The 2004 Removal of Jean-Betrand Aristide
(2001-2004) Haiti, Haiti Coup

The following is an excerpt from this url:

(2001-2004) Haiti, Haiti Coup

The United States Government funds and trains a 600-member paramilitary army of anti-Aristide Haitians in the Dominican Republic with the authorization of the country's president, Hipolito Mejia. The funds—totaling $1.2 milllion—are directed through the International Republican Institute (IRI) on the pretext of encouraging democracy in Haiti. In order to evade attention, the paramilitary soldiers appear at their training sessions dressed in the uniforms of the Dominican Republic national police. The training—provided by some 200 members of the US Special Forces—takes place in the Dominican villages of Neiba, San Cristobal, San Isidro, Hatillo and Haina, and others. Most of the training takes place on property owned by the Dominican Republic Government. Technical training, conducted once a month, takes place in a Santo Domingo hotel through the IRI. Among the Hatians that take part in the program are known human rights violators including Guy Philippe and Louis-Jodel Chamblain. [Democracy Now!, 4/7/2004; Radio Mundo, 4/2/2004; Xinhuanet, 3/29/2004; Newsday, 3/16/2004]

People and organizations involved:
Guy Philippe, Louis-Jodel Chamblain, International Republican Institute

February 2003 Haiti, Haiti Coup

Stanley Lucas, who is the point man in Haiti for the Republican-dominated International Republican Institute (IRI) based in the Dominican Republic, meets with Haitian rebel Guy Philippe and his men. Three months later the group will cross into Haiti and attack a hydroelectric power plant. Lucas has long ties to the Haitian military (see Early May 2003). After the toppling of Aristide's government 12 months later, it will be learned that the group had been funded and trained through the IRI (see (2001-2004)).

[The Black Commentator, 5/15/2003; Interhemispheric Resource Center (IRC), 2/27/2004]

People and organizations involved:
International Republican Institute, Stanley Lucas, Guy Philippe

Early May 2003 Haiti Coup

A group of at least 20 paramilitary soldiers—trained and funded by the US (see (2001-2004)) —cross into Haiti from the neighboring Dominican Republic and attack a hydroelectric power plant on Haiti's central plateau. Shortly after the attack,
Dominican authorities, at the behest of the Haitian government, arrest five men, including Guy Philippe, in connection with the paramilitary operation. But they are quickly released by the Dominicans who say there is no evidence of their involvement in the attack. Philippe is interviewed by the Associated Press afterwards and asked what he is doing in the Dominican. Philippe, who mentions to the reporter that he would support a coup against Aristide, refuses to “say how he makes a living or what he does to spend his time in the Dominican Republic.” Less than one year later, Philippe will participate in the overthrow of the Aristide government. [The Black Commentator, 5/15/2003]

On the same day the five men are detained, Haitian authorities raid the Port-au-Prince residence of mayoral candidate Judith Roy of the Democratic Convergence opposition. The Haitians claim to find “assault weapons, ammunitions, and plans to attack the National Palace and Aristide's suburban residence.”

The Haitian government contends that Roy is close to Philippe. [The Black Commentator, 5/15/2003]

People and organizations involved:
Guy Philippe, Democratic
Convergence, Judith Roy

More info about the Democratic Convergence and its relationship
to the IRI can be found at:

****************************** ***************

Desroches and Apaid get Euro funding for
anti-government civil society front

Haiti Support Group (http://haitisupport.gn.apc.org/184%20EC.htm)

Haiti Support Group press release: European Union funding for members
of the Group of 184 - 11 November 2003

As a solidarity organisation formed by, composed of, and supported by, citizens of the European Union, the Haiti Support Group feels it right and proper to put certain information concerning the European Commissions's human rights and democracy budget line for Haiti into the public domain.

We are also motivated by the publication in September of the National Coalition for Haitian Rights policy report, "Yon Sel Dwet Pa Manje Kalalou: Haiti on the eve of its Bicentennial" which contains the following sentence concerning the Group of 184:

"It is not yet clear who finances the group's activities -- whether it receives funding from abroad or if its entire budget comes from its membership or another arrangement altogether."

Thanks to information provided to the Haiti Support Group by the European Commission (EC) staff in Brussels and the EC delegation in Port-au-Prince, we are able to shed some light on this subject:

· The European Commission is co-financing a Human Rights / Democracy
project with Haiti's Initiative de la Societe Civile (ISC) group. The European Commission's contribution is 773,000 Euros (US$890,374 at today's exchange rate). The duration of the contract is from 21/12/2001 to 21/12/2003.

· The official recipients of this disbursement are M. Rosny Desroches
and the Fondation Nouvelle Haiti. Rosny Desroches is the spokesperson
for the Initiative de la Societe Civile. The Fondation Nouvelle Haiti
(FNH) is a member of the Initiative de la Societe Civile group.

According to the EC delegation in Port-au-Prince, the reason why the amounts have been disbursed to the FNH and Rosny Desroches, rather than the ISC, is that the ISC had not been officially registered with the Haitian authorities at the time when the grant was authorised. Regarding funding for the Group of 184:

It is known that Rosny Desroches is head of the Fondation Haitienne de l'Enseignement Prive (FONHEP), and that the FNH is run by M. Andre Apaid Jnr. Both FONHEP and FNH are members of the ISC. All members of the ISC are also members of the Group of 184. Indeed, Andre Apaid Jnr. is the Group of 184's main spokesperson.

According to the EC, M. Desroches and the FNH are charged with disbursing the EC funds to "human rights groups" in Haiti. Fourteen organisations are listed by the EC as among those receiving EC funding via M. Desroches and the FNH. These 14 organisations are:

FNH - Fondation Nouvelle Haiti;
CCIH - Chambre de commerce et d'industrie;
CNEH - Confederation Nationale des educateurs haitiens;
OGITH - Organisation generale independante des travailleurs haitiens;
CRESFED - Centre de Recherche et de Formation Economique et Sociale;
MOUFHED - Mouvement des femmes haitiennes pour l'education et le
CEDH - Centre oecumenique des droits humains;
Commission Justice et Paix;
Femmes en democratie;
KOP (Coordination des organisations populaires);
CEPRODHD - Centre pour la promotion des droits humains et de la
democratie en Haiti;
FPDH - Fondation pour la Promotion des droits de l'homme;
CREDH - Centre de recherche pour le developpement humain;
CED - Collectif pour l'education et le developpement.
The first seven organisations in the above list are members of the
Group of 184:

· As we have already mentioned, the FNH is run by Andre Apaid Jnr. - the Group of 184's main spokesperson. Another FNH leader is Leopold Berlanger, the director of conservative radio station, Radio Vision2000, and a long-time US favourite.

· The head of the CICH, Maurice Lafortune, has also appeared in public as a Group of 184 spokesperson.

· The CNEH and the OGITH are trade unions, both members of the Group of 184.

· The CRESFED is a non-governmental organisation headed by Suzy Castor, a leading member of the Organisation du Peuple en Lutte political party.

· The MOUFHED is a non-governmental organisation headed by Jessie Benoit, a leading member of the Konakom political party.

· The CEDH is a human rights organisation headed by Jean-Claude Bajeux, one of the founders, and a former secretary-general, of the Konakom political party.

The Organisation du Peuple en Lutte and Konakom political parties are members of the Democratic Convergence coalition.

While on the subject of foreign funding for organisations in Haiti, we also note that the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) allocated US$3,050,000 (just over three million dollars) to "civil society, the media, human rights organisations and political parties" for its Government and Democracy programme in Haiti in the fiscal year 2003 (year ending September 2003).


USAID: Haiti: Program Data Sheet:


PROGRAM TITLE: Democracy and Governance (Pillar: Democracy, Conflict,
and Humanitarian Assistance)


Given the political situation, USAID has shifted away from its previous
efforts to strengthen public institutions such as the judiciary and the
national elections commission, and launched a new program to strengthen
civil society and develop political parties by:

- developing political leadership;

- helping non-governmental organizations resist Haiti's growing trend toward authoritarian rule; and

- strengthening the independent media.
Principal Contractors, Grantees, or Agencies: Principal partners are:

International Republican Institute,
National Democratic Institute for International Affairs,
International Foundation for Electoral Systems,
Creative Associates International, and
America's Development Foundation.

There are numerous subcontractors, including Haitian human rights
organizations, business associations, media organizations, election
observation groups, labor, political parties and other pro-democracy
organizations. "


Exerpted from HLLN's "Help Save Yvon Neptune's Life - Feb 24, 2005 Letter From
Prime Minister Yvon Neptune at:
http://www.williambowles.info/haiti-news/2005/neptune_jail.html ):

"According to Bel Air residence we interviewed, the February 28, 2005 shooting, was done by CIMO and SWAT Units, and their civilian attaches (especially the four A.S.-DDO operatives, known to Haitian victims as: Jean Yves “Nasson” Gerald; Narage “Eleus” Laguerre; St. Gor “Père Reklè” Clermond; and, “Gwo Fanfan.” ). These four men were among the six men, in the white, unmarked pickup Chevrolet truck, that stopped at the corner of Rue Des Cèsars and Rue Des Front-Forts and began shooting indiscriminately at the unarmed Bel Air demonstrators on February 28, 2005 in plain sight of the international media and U.N. troops.

According to their victims, the people of Bel Air recognized these four Direction Departementale De L'Ouest ("DDO") attaches as part of the shooters who fired into the crowd on February 28, killing at least 5 people and wounding over 15 because these four civilian attaches to the Haitian police, these alleged four murderers, are routinely sent on killing and arson sprees into their neighborhoods with total impunity
and in plain sight of MINUSTHA troops. On February 28, 2004 at the peaceful demonstration even though the international media was present, along with human rights advocates, these four still were able to kill with impunity.

Bel Aire residents say the four work for the police station in Port-au-Prince that is under the command of Leon Charles, Director General of Haiti's police force and which main police station is under the jurisdiction of Coup D'etat government employee, Renand Etienne, the head of DDO. These civilian attaches to the DDO wear no uniform and are simply identified as A.S.-D.D.O. - that is "Attachè
Special to the DDO."


Feeding Dependency, Starving Democracy: USAID Policies in Haiti

Grassroots International
6 March 1997

[Note: See also Ezili's HLLN on oversight needed on USAID]

CARE has been 'helping' people in the Northwest for decades. But each year, the misery of the people of the Northwest increases. What is the real impact of this aid? To make people more dependent, more vulnerable, more on the margins?...The aid is not given in such a way as to give the people responsibility, to make them less dependent....This is what you call ‘commercializing’ poverty....The people's misery should not be marketed....
Samuel Madisten, Haitian Senator


In 1996 Grassroots International began an extensive six-month research
and investigation project in Haiti. Our primary objective was to
understand how programs funded by the U.S. government are affecting
food security in Haiti. Given the massive scope of those programs since
the restoration of democratic rule three years ago, our goal was to see
for ourselves what impact that programs administered by the U.S. Agency
for International Development (USAID) were having on Haitis poor,
particularly small farmers and peasants.

The research was conducted by Laurie Richardson, a Grassroots
International Research Associate and writer based in Port-au-Prince.
Fluent in Haitian Creole, she has been studying the impact of U.S.

policy on Haitis pro-democracy movement since 1991. For this project
Ms. Richardson traveled throughout Haitis Northwest and Artibonite
regions, interviewing hundreds of peasants, members of Parliament,
economists, government officials, community organizers, development
workers, agronomists, and representatives of international private
voluntary organizations.

Extensive bibliographic research including some conducted at the USAID
library in Port-au-Prince allowed us to study the philosophy behind
USAID programs in Haiti, particularly food-aid and jobs-creation

WHAT WE FOUND Despite glowing reports from USAID that its field
programs in Haiti are succeeding, our research found that those
programs are not furthering equitable development, nor are they
increasing food security. Three years ago the United States sent troops
to Haiti with the stated intention of restoring democracy. The sad
reality is that current international aid policies are robbing the
Haitian people of independence and the very community initiative that
is the cornerstone of autonomy. Most troubling, in this hemispheres
hungriest nation, U.S. policies are undermining, instead of enhancing,
the ability of Haitian farmers to grow and market their goods.

Grassroots Internationals research documents how U.S. government
policies and aid programs interfere with the production of local food
crops and create a dangerous dependence on U.S. food imports.

Grassroots International also found serious problems with food aid and
other assistance programs, and the non- governmental organizations
(NGOs) implementing them. They are, in fact, derailing community-based
organizations that are the real engines of progress and Haitis only
hope for sustainable development.

Foreign aid programs and the free-market economic policies that they
are conditioned upon are exacerbating social tensions in Haiti, as was
shown by the anti-austerity strikes in mid-January of this year.

Ultimately, such development strategies are threatening to undermine
Haitis chance to build democracy by driving a wedge between the
government of President Ren Prval and the Haitian people.

These policies are also contributing to the exodus of Haitians from
rural areas. As the World Bank stated in a recent draft strategy paper,
the rural majority has only two possibilities: work in the industrial
or service sector, or emigrate.


Throughout Haiti, peasant farmers, agronomists, economists, and elected
officials are criticizing USAID programs as being largely detrimental
to the long-term ability of the nation to feed its population.

Grassroots Internationals primary findings about U.S. government
policies are:

1. Drastically reduced tariffs on imported food which the U.S.
government has insisted upon as a condition for aid are flooding Haiti
with cheap food, undercutting prices for locally grown products.

Throughout the rural areas surveyed by Grassroots International,
farmers reported tremendous difficulty competing with cheap, subsidized
foodstuffs imported under new tariff schemes. In the case of rice, for
example, dramatic reductions in tariffs since 1995 have made imported
rice cheaper than before, undermining Haitian rice farmers. Not only do
these imports reduce the price that Haitian farmers receive for their
rice, but they also depress the prices they receive for other key
cereals, such as millet and corn. Spiraling food imports also consume
much-needed hard currency; rice purchases now eat up 15 percent of
Haitis import budget.

2. The U.S.-based NGOs that carry out most USAID programs do not
adequately consult or coordinate with local, regional and national
Haitian government authorities.

Grassroots Internationals survey revealed consistent complaints that
foreign aid programs, generally implemented by private agencies such as
CARE and the Pan American Development Foundation (PADF), largely bypass
relevant Haitian governmental entities, often putting resulting
development projects at odds with stated national, regional, and local

Given the size and scope of international aid in Haiti approximately 60
percent of the Haitian governments budget comes from external sources
this not only produces ineffective development programs but also
undercuts the very democratic process the U.S. government says it wants
to build.

3. USAID programs do not respond to Haitis stated priority of
revitalizing national agricultural production; only 4.3 percent of the
USAIDs four-year US$ 443 million aid package is destined for
agricultural development.

Although Haitis government and community organizations have clearly
stated that their top development priority is revitalizing agriculture,
USAID is devoting only 4.3 percent of its four-year budget to
agricultural projects. By contrast, food aid makes up 13 percent. The
failure to invest in agricultural development further weakens the
efforts of Haitian farmers to increase domestic production.

Our primary findings about U.S.-funded food aid and jobs-creation
programs are:

4. U.S. food aid depresses local prices for basic grains, reducing
incentives for Haitian farmers to grow them.

Food security analysts acknowledge that massive deliveries of U.S.
wheat to Haitis government under the Public Law (PL) 480 Title III
program drive down prices for rice, millet, and other cereals in Haiti.

Grassroots Internationals research found evidence supporting widespread
complaints that PL 480 Title II food aid aid distributed by U.S. NGOs,
also undercuts the prices for locally produced staples. This has
discouraged Haitian farmers from growing basic grains, increasing
Haitis dependence on imported food.

5. Food aid shifts consumption patterns away from locally produced
goods in favor of imported goods.

This well-documented phenomenon was clearly evident in the communities
Grassroots International surveyed. The massive distribution of surplus
U.S. wheat has fostered a taste for products that can only be produced
with this imported staple. As Haitians incorporate these products into
their diets, growers of local grains such as corn which grows well in
Haitis mountainous terrain have seen shrinking demand for their
products. This breeds dependency, undermines food security and creates
an unsustainable reliance on imported food.

6. Private aid agencies consistently operated jobs-creation programs in
rural areas at key planting and harvesting times, pulling people out of
their fields with the lure of relatively high short-term wages.

Peasant farmers surveyed by Grassroots International repeatedly
complained about temporary NGO-supervised employment projects.

Short-term projects were run by PADF in rural areas during periods of
peak agricultural activity. The relatively high wages paid by these
projects lured farmers and farm laborers out of their fields. This in
turn reduced the amount of land planted, left ripe crops rotting in the
fields, and increased the labor costs for those farmers who tried to
compete with wage levels paid in the jobs programs.

Grassroots International also found that many of these infrastructure
projects were poorly designed and had little long-term impact. In one
case, local residents were paid to dig drainage ditches during rainy
season. Runoffs from the rains filled the ditches with rocks and soil
almost as soon as the project was completed.

Camille Chalmers, head of the Haitian Platform for Alternative
Development (one of Grassroots Internationals partner organizations),
observed, We saw with our own eyes the quantity of rice which is ripe
but rotting in the fields because the peasants dont have enough money
or cant find people to work in the fields. [This] creates the paradox
of rice rotting in the fields in a country where there is hunger.

7. USAID-funded programs stifle local initiative with short-term offers
of free food and employment, creating cycles of dependency among
Haitian farmers.

Over and over, Grassroots International heard complaints from local
peasant and community leaders that USAID-funded programs for jobs
creation are changing Haitians attitudes about community work. These
programs pay people for work previously performed out of a sense of
concern for their villages. Grassroots International also heard
consistent reports of poor families and small farmers who began to rely
heavily on food aid distributions and paid less attention to increasing
their own food production.

Instead of spending two or three years teaching people to fish, [these
NGOs] prefer to give them a fish every day....The people who are
working to produce...come to the conclusion that it is better to go get
a plate of food, a fish, instead of going out to fish themselves, notes
Haitian Senator Samuel Madisten from the rice-growing Artibonite

8. Private aid agencies frequently fail to consult or work with local
community organizations; instead they either directly implement
projects themselves or work closely with discredited local elites.

Though most development professionals acknowledge that the involvement
of local communities is essential to the success of any development
project, U.S.- funded programs in Haiti regularly fail to consult with
or involve appropriate local leaders and organizations. In community
after community, Haitians painted a picture of U.S. aid workers as
outside experts who impose their own projects with little regard or
respect for local priorities or institutions.

More disturbing still, Grassroots International found a consistent
pattern of unsavory alliances between U.S. agencies and local elites
associated with the deposed military regime. The choice of such
partners by U.S. agencies not only produces ineffective development
projects but also destroys democracy at the local level by reinforcing
the power of undemocratic leaders at the expense of democratic,
community-based organizations.


One of the most troubling findings of Grassroots Internationals
research was the consistently negative role played by the U.S. NGOs
responsible for implementing much of USAIDs Haiti program. The two
primary implementing agencies for food aid and jobs-creation programs
were CARE and PADF. Grassroots Internationals investigation revealed
consistent complaints about their role and their effectiveness.
The following flaws were of particular concern:

* failure to consult with and involve local communities in the
design, implementation and evaluation of projects;

* failure to identify correctly and respond to local needs;

* failure to sufficiently monitor the impact and effectiveness of
projects and make needed changes;

* frequent selection of Haitian counterparts who not only lack
community support but are closely associated with the former military
government; and

* failure to coordinate with local and regional Haitian government
bodies, thereby creating projects at odds with stated Haitian

At a time when U.S. foreign aid programs are under fire from
conservatives, the community of private aid agencies in the United
States has a particular obligation to ensure that all funds, whether
from taxpayers or private contributors, promote long-term,
community-based solutions to hunger. Projects must foster self-reliance
and community initiative, strengthen local democratic institutions, and
break cycles of dependency. The programs Grassroots International
reviewed in Haiti rarely contributed to these goals; in many cases,
they did the opposite.

Grassroots International, which as a matter of policy does not accept
U.S. government funds, believes that one of the strongest factors
contributing to private aid agencies ineffectiveness in Haiti is their
dependence on U.S. government funding for programs. This often leaves
private aid organizations more beholden to U.S. government policies
than they are to the communities they are trying to assist.

In Haiti, this has led CARE, PADF, and others to support projects that
are clearly undermining rather than contributing to Haitians courageous
and admirable efforts to achieve food security.


Based on its findings, Grassroots International recommends that the
U.S. government and U.S. agencies operating in Haiti adhere to one
basic principle: Aid policies and programs should support the goal of
enhancing Haitis food security by supporting, not undermining, Haitian
food producers.

Specifically, Grassroots International recommends that:
1. The U.S. government should not condition its aid to the Haitian
government on the implementation of policies that undermine Haitian
food producers and weaken the development of democratic institutions in

2. The U.S. government should end pressure on Haiti to reduce tariffs,
particularly on food. Haitian food producers should be protected from
subsidized U.S. imports while they rebuild their productive capacity.
3. Policies should cease to emphasize short-term emergency programs,
including jobs and food aid, in favor of long-term, small-scale

4. All programs should be designed and carried out with the full
participation and approval of the affected communities, in ways that
strengthen Haitian organizations and institutions including the Haitian
government particularly at the local level.

5. Aid programs should support Haitian food producers by increasing
their access to:

* land, by supporting a comprehensive land-reform program designed
to transfer quality, arable land to small farmers;
* affordable credit;
* appropriate technology and training;
* infrastructure improvements, particularly irrigation and roads;
* soil restoration and reforestation programs, to improve soil
* farm animals, particularly indigenous creole pigs;
* seeds, tools, and farm machinery to help recapitalize peasant
households; and
* food storage and marketing support.


Haitians are a determined people. Their commitment to democracy is
tenacious. They have overthrown the tyrannical Duvalier dictatorship.

They have resisted the brutal attempt to halt their march toward
democracy, preventing the military coup from taking hold. Now, with
formal democracy restored, the Haitian people are increasingly focusing
their determination on building an economy and society that responds
first to the needs of the Haitian poor.

With appropriate support, Haitian farmers can increase production of
and access to affordable basic foodstuffs. Haitis people, the majority
of whom still make their living from the land, want desperately to
develop their own self-reliant communities and a nation that is not
dependent on foreign funds or food.

If the United States government and U.S. NGOs are truly committed to
building democracy in Haiti, they must rethink their current misguided
policies and practices, which are undermining both food security and
democracy in Haiti.



I.R.I. and Stanley Lucas

Talk:Stanley Lucas

From SourceWatchPasted from Max Blumenthal's statements to Amy Goodman in
Democracy Now!" interview aired 20 July 2004


MAX BLUMENTHAL: Well, to tell you about Stanley Lucas, and he is the program officer for the International Republican Institute, or I.R.I.'s Haiti program. I.R.I. is active in 50 countries worldwide on a mission to "promote democracy".

In many of their programs, through their means, what they have demonstrated is something quite different. They have demonstrated -- I.R.I has demonstrated a penchant for backing opponents in regimes deemed hostile to the U.S. and specifically to conservative interests, and I.R.I.'s program in Haiti has been probably its most bellicose thanks to Stanley Lucas. In Haiti there's two sectors of Haitian society that are the traditional obstructionists to progressive change. Number
one, that's the industrial sector of the mulatto elite who run the sweatshops and lead the civil society wing of Aristide's opposition. And two, there's the military, which guarantees the conditions by which the elite can operate their sweatshops.

Aristide disbanded the military in 1995, so, you know, the military hates him. Stanley Lucas is a bridge between these two sectors. He was schooled in Haiti's finest schools with members of the mulatto elite. At the same time, he comes from a wealthy land owning family close to the Duvalier regime, which ruled Haiti with an iron fist for decades. His family is close to the military. Two of Stanley Lucas's cousins massacred -- organized a massacre of 250 peasants, in 1987, who were protesting for land reform after the Duvalier regime crumbled.

The massacre --
it was a terrible massacre documented by Amnesty International and described to me by someone who witnessed it firsthand. You would think that someone from this background wouldn't be able to get a position at a group like the International Republican Institute that promotes democracy. However, Stanley Lucas is a
valuable asset to them. He is a judo master who allegedly trained the military in counter insurgency tactics after the Duvalier regime collapsed. He was hired in 1992, but I don't know why he was hired. When I asked I.R.I.'s communications director why he was hired, he refused to tell me why, or what his duties consisted of between 1992 and 1998. A lot of people I spoke to suspect that Stanley Lucas is a CIA asset, including former ambassador -- former U.S. Ambassador in the region.

So, when Stanley Lucas was hired in 1992, the country was controlled by a military junta called FRAPP, which had ousted Aristide in 1990 -- in the first coup in that country. Frappe was busy massacring thousands of Aristide supporters. One off the recorded sources, who lived with Lucas, working with Lucas, in Haiti, told me he saw documents indicating that while Lucas was working for I.R.I., he was being paid by Michelle Francois, who was a notorious FRAPP leader. Stanley Lucas is an impeccable dresser, a smooth operater and a lady's man with a broad smile and childlike demeanor that will put his enemies at ease. You have behind that facade an evil man who has been given way too much power. In my piece, I compared him to Ahmed Chalabi, because Stanley Lucas is a card-carrying Republican who managed to ingratiate himself with powerful Republicans in Washington.

He lobbied for the opposition to Aristide and managed to tie quite a bit of funding to them and introduced a number of Aristide's most virulent opponents to powerful Republicans in Washington. When I.R.I.'s campaign to destabilize Haiti began in earnest in 1998 with a $2 million grant in mostly taxpayer money from the U.S. Agency for International Development, Lucas hosted some of Aristide's most virulent opponents in political training sessions. What he did was he merged all of these disparate groups into one big party called the Democratic Convergence. Now, the Democratic Convergence is not a traditional political party, it's more like the political wing of a coup, because the strategy that it took was to forego the democratic process entirely. Boycott elections and initiate what seemed like an endless sequence of provocative protests. Between 2000 and 2002, the Democratic Convergence rejected over 20 internationally sanctioned power sharing agreements which heightened the tension and provoked more violence.

At the time, the U.S. Ambassador, who was named Brian Dean Curran, a Clinton appointee, who was a highly respected career diplomat, uncovered evidence that Stanley Lucas was the one encouraging the Democratic Convergence to reject the compromises and to stay out of the democratic process. When he presented this evidence to the U.S. Agency for International Development, and he asked them to block Stanley Lucas from the program, Bush's Assistant Secretary for the Western Hemisphere, Roger Noriega, apparently stepped in, and within four months--Lucas was barred for four months, but after four months, he was back. So, when he -- when Lucas returned to the program, he retaliated against Ambassador Curran.

What he did was he spread salacious rumors in Port-au-Prince in -- and in Washington about Curran's personal life. If I repeated these rumors, it would make Dick Cheney look like Ward Cleaver. It's unheard of for someone like Lucas to actually sabotage a U.S. Ambassador. Lucas threatened two embassy officials and told them they would be fired once the real -- "Real" U.S. policy was implemented.

In 2003, Curran was forced to resign in disgust because of Lucas's activities and the fact that Bush administration seemed to give Lucas their tacit approval. A number of embassy officials I spoke to were removed from Haiti by Roger Noriega for opposing what Stanley Lucas was doing in part. So this whole sad episode that led up to the coup was allowed to occur because of Bush's policy of studied neglect in South



 FreeHaitiMovementBreaking Sea Chains and RBM Video Reel
List of Coup d'etat attaches - Lame Timanchet

****************************** ***************
Haiti's Oligarchy:
The Mercenaries Families and other Bourgeoisies

The families - Acra, Nadal, Coles, Baussan, Vital, Vorbes, Madsen, Mevs, Brandt, Kouri, Sada, Loukas, Boulos, Bigio and others including the various lesser bourgeoisie wannabees, all also referred to by HLLN as Category Zero: the subcontracted Haitians, work in tandem with foreign government agents, foreign embassies in Haiti, foreign financial institutions - USAID/IDB/IRI/NED/WB/IMF, et al, their subcontracted entities and other such corporate looting entities, defined as foreign "aid" and "investments," foreign NGOs, militaries, paramilitaries, and foreign "charities" who lay the ground for foreign domination, dependency, endless debt (financial colonialsim) and Haiti's perpetual underdevelopment and containment-in-poverty under the guise of "altruism," "free trade" and "development". (See, Bourgeoisie Freedom;The Families: Lekòl Lage; La Bourgeoisie Haitienne: Une Bourgeoisie Mediocre (Photos); Une bourgeoisie déracinée!; La DGI présente les 150 plus grandes entreprises d'Haïti, October 20, 2007 and HLLN Campaign Five)

These families: Acra, Nadal, Coles, Baussan, Vital, Vorbes, Madsen, Mevs, Brandt, Kouri, Sada, Loukas, Boulos, Bigio and others, work, in the shadows, plotting with foreigner transnational interests to keep Haitian society polarized the better to bring coup d'etat anarchy and neoliberalism death projects that benefit their wealth at the expense of the country's productive development; and the better to exploit and contain the Haitian majority in poverty. Privatizing everything in Haiti through privatizing the Haitian government (using dictatorship, occupation, paid-off military, police and civilian attaches); privatizing all assets, including Haitian ports as indicated below. These multi-passported "Haitian" families benefit every which way with duty free imports and duty free exports for the foreign companies they work for as subcontractors, repatriating all profits, all capital tax free and exported out of Haiti without capital restrictions. They sow seeds of division, financing civilian attaches to massacre dissenters, suppress dissatisfied workers, slaughter, terrorize the civilian population; creating chaos with complete impunity, the net result of which is they pay little or no taxes, maximize the uses of Haiti for their wealth, foreign interests and political controls. This keeps the country re-starting from coup-d'etat-ground-zero over and over again which serves to insure these economic elites are NEVER subjected to any domestic Haitian laws or constraints...(See Forwarded Mail below - "Et revient la question. Et ceux dont les pères sont en Afrique, ils n'auront donc rien ").

----Forwarded Mail
Date: Thu, 28 Sep 2006 15:49:39 -0400
Subject: Et revient la question. Et ceux dont les pères sont en
Afrique, ils n'auront donc rien

Lekòl Lage

Messieurs les Sénateurs et Députés élus de la République, saviez-vous que les Ports d'Haïti sont contrôlés par 7 mercenaires Communément désignés chimères cravatés par les gens de la rue.

Les Ports du pays sont privatizes par un secteur privé qui se dit progressiste, mais ils sont vraiment les nouveaux pirates. La contrebande, la drogue, les armes tout rentrent sans vérification.

Le Directeur de la compagnie Simi a eut le courage de dénoncer dans la presse ce groupe de pillards. Il est arrivé à parler des 200

Containeurs qui sont passé par le Terminal MSC dirigé par Richard Coles sans inspections et sans bordereaux pendant que le premier Ministre Latortue se bourrait les poches de dollars. Le Ministre des finances Henri Bazin et son poulain le directeur de la douane Edouard Vallès n'ont rien dit à ce sujet. Un employé qui n'a pas reçu sa part de la magouille a mis à la connaissance du public le vol du cargo. Un juge de paix s'est rendu sur les lieux du forfait et a sceller le terminal privé de monsieur Coles pendant une semaine.

Les journalistes ont posés des questions, malheureusement le « Kassé Fèy Kouvri Sa » a comme d'habitude eu le dessus.

Les corsaires modernes sont représentés par sept familles qui depuis longtemps paient une pitance (US$ 40.00 par an) à la Direction Générale des Impôts pour la location du bord de mer.

Nous vous demandons d'interroger les directeurs de la DGI ainsi Que l'actuel Directeur de Douane, monsieur Jean-Jacques Valentin, lui aussi complice des ces affairistes pour vérifier ce qui ce passe tout près de vous.

Une inspection directe de ces lieux sacrés vous fera comprendre comment on peut abuser des ports sans faire de bruit. Les fraudeurs silencieux sont toujours présents dans les fêtes du Palais National buvant du champagne avec notre président alcoolique. Ces filoussont les parasites qui sucent le sang de notre peuple. La vermin e qui suçote en tenant le pays dans la misère abjecte,doit être punit. Le jour viendra ou le crépitement des fusils, fera courir la canaille qui s'alimente de la pauvreté des innocents qui ne peuvent même passe défendre.

Les Bahaméens disent toujours : Les pirates chassés, le commerce restauré, celui qui pille avec un petit vaisseau se nomme pirate; celui qui pille avec un grand navire s'appelle conquérant. Les nouveaux champions du ALOUFA-ISME sont connus par tous, excepté par la Chambre des députés. Un jour ils doivent connaître le VANT MENNEN qui est la norme pour tous les ALOUFA.

Nous ramons tous sur le même bateau pour arriver au Port, de Port-au-Prince. Le Port est supposé être l'endroit où les Embarkations sont à l'abri des tempêtes, en Haïti, ils sont exposées à la furie des douanes, de la SGS, de la DECSA et surtout des mercenaires. En temps de paix, les mercenaires dérobent ; en temps de guerre, ils désertent, alors nous devons être vigilant.

Messi eurs les Sénateurs et Députés de la République, nous vous Prions de faire votre travail et exiger des explications à l'exécutif. Les Sept Mercenaires : Nadal, Coles, Baussan, Vital, Madsen, Acra, Mevs détiennent les ports gratuitement pour tromper et profiter commedes rapaces sur un homme qui se meurt. La richesse du pays ne peut pas appartenir à certainshaïtiens, en particulier, ceux de la trempe de ces flibustiers des temps modernes.



Bigio - Haiti’s few Jews hold on to history
Miami Herald March 21, 2004

Source: Ourjerusalem.com

PETIONVILLE, Haiti - At the once-elegant El Rancho Hotel in the hills above Port-au-Prince, aggressive young men peddle exotic African sculptures next to the taxi stand, and colorful Haitian paintings decorate the reception area.

Yet it’s hard not to notice the black, wrought-iron menorah in the middle of the lobby.

‘’My father was Jewish,'’ manager Elizabeth Silvera explains as she sips coffee in the hotel’s near-empty restaurant.

Like many members of Haiti’s mulatto elite, Silvera — a practicing Catholic – proudly claims ties to Judaism in a country dominated by Catholicism and Vodou beliefs.

Haiti has no more than 50 Jews out of a total population of 8.5 million. Most of the Jews who did live here fled to the United States, Panama and elsewhere in recent years, in the face of crushing poverty and worsening violence.

‘’The country is very poor and there’s no business here, so the Jews don’t stay long,'’ said David Ades, an intellectual who works in real estate and writes political articles for Le Nouvelliste, a daily newspaper in Port-au-Prince.

Ades, 71, is a Sephardic Jew whose father came from Syria and his mother from Egypt. He recently returned to Haiti after more than 20 years in Brooklyn.

‘’After my divorce, I figured the best thing for me was to go back to my roots,'’ said Ades, whose two sons still live in New York. “I was always part of the community, but I never had a Jewish education.'’

Not much is known about Haiti’s Jewish history except that Luis de Torres, the interpreter for Christopher Columbus, in 1492 was the first Jew to set foot in Haiti.

The first Jewish immigrants came from Brazil in the 17th century, after Haiti was conquered by the French. These marranos (Jews who feigned conversion to Christianity but secretly practiced Judaism) were all murdered or expelled — along with the rest of the white population — during the slave revolt of Toussaint L’Ouverture in 1804.

Archaeologists have discovered the remains of a synagogue in Jeremie, a city along Haiti’s southern peninsula that was home to many mulatto families of Jewish origin. There are also vague historical references to Jewish tombstones in the port cities of Cap Haitien and Jacmel.

Gaston Michel, a local tourism official in Jacmel who claims Jewish roots, says “the Jews in Haiti had to hide their Judaism. You couldn’t go to school if you weren’t Catholic.'’

Yet by the end of the 19th century, Sephardic Jews began arriving from Lebanon, Egypt and Syria. In 1937, Haitian officials — like their counterparts in the neighboring Dominican Republic — began issuing passports to Eastern European Jews fleeing the Nazis. Many of those grateful Ashkenazim stayed until the late 1950s.

Gilbert Bigio, the community’s de facto leader, says that at one time, as many as 300 Jews lived in Haiti.

‘’Every Rosh Hashana and Yom Kippur, our house was completely full,'’ recalled Bigio, noting that, until recently, all religious ceremonies were at his home. But attendance for the High Holidays has gradually dwindled, along with Haiti’s Jewish population. “The last Jewish wedding here was my daughter’s, eight years ago, and the last brit mila [circumcision] was that of my son, 30 years ago.'’

Bigio, 68, lives in a big, beautiful house in Petionville, one of the few upscale neighborhoods in Port-au-Prince. Behind the well-guarded house is a luxurious swimming pool and a gazebo for outdoor parties.

Like most of the other Jews who remain in Haiti, Bigio is considered extremely wealthy in a country where 50 percent of the population is illiterate and 76 percent of children under 5 are underweight or suffer from stunted growth.

‘’I don’t think there’s resentment against people who are rich here,'’ says the retired businessman, who speaks English, French and Haitian Creole. “If you know how to manage success, people admire you instead of hate you.'’

Other prominent Jewish families include the Weiners, who are involved in coffee exports, and the Salzmanns, who fled Austria right before the Holocaust and remain in Port-au-Prince. These and other families helped build Haiti’s modern infrastructure and stayed on during the brutal Duvalier dictatorship, which ended in 1986.

‘’Haiti wasn’t always a poor country,'’ said Bigio. “When Haiti had three or four million people, everything was beautiful. If most of the Jews left, it’s because they were hoping to live in a developed country, where their children could marry among themselves.'’

A case in point is Bigio’s wife Monique, who wasn’t born Jewish — though she converted to Judaism long ago with the help of a visiting rabbi from Miami.

And while he isn’t a religious man, Bigio is especially proud of the Sefer Torah he keeps in his study — the only Torah in all of Haiti.

‘’My uncle came from Aleppo, Syria, in 1896, and my father 20 years later, during World War I,'’ he said. “They were escaping the Ottoman Empire, and at that time, there was a French law created by the Justice Ministry that would give French citizenship to the minorities in this region of the world.'’

The family prospered in the export of cotton, cacao and a valuable wood known as campeche.

‘’Most of the Jewish families in Haiti were in the textile and retail businesses,'’ he said. “We’re also in industry and trading. We have a small steel mill, we distribute edible oils, and we work a little in banking.'’

Bigio is also the honorary consul of Israel in Haiti, which explains the enormous Israeli flag flying in front of his house — as well as his bulletproof Mercedes SUV.

A few Israelis live in Haiti, including noted photographer Daniel Kedar, whose wife, Maryse P?nette, is the country’s former tourism minister. There are also a few Jews scattered among the staff of the U.S. and French embassies in Port-au-Prince. But no active synagogue exists in the capital city — home to nearly all the country’s Jews — or anywhere else in Haiti.

Asked if he’s ever experienced anti-Semitism in Haiti, Bigio laughed.

‘’On the contrary, the Haitians have a lot of respect for the Jews, and a lot of admiration for Israel,'’ he said, pointing out that Haiti voted for the United Nations partition of Palestine in 1947, which created Israel.

Bigio declined to discuss politics. ‘’Our principle, which we respect daily, is to not mix in Haitian politics,'’ he explained. “Even after three generations, we are considered foreigners.'’


Haiti - The Virtual Jewish History Tour
By Ariel Scheib

Source: Jewishvirtuallibrary.org

The first Jew to settle in Haiti, Luis de Torres, arrived in 1492 as Christopher Columbus’s Converso interpreter. After Haiti was conquered by the French in 1633, many Dutch Jews emigrated from Brazil in 1634. Most of these Jews were Marranos. Many became employees of French sugarcane plantations and further developed the industry.

In 1683, Jews were expelled from all French colonies, including Haiti. Nevertheless, a few Jews remained as leading officials in French trading companies. After a few decades, in the mid-1700s many Jews, who had been expelled from Haiti, returned to the country. In 1804, during the slave revolt of Toussaint L’Ouverture, much of the Jewish community was murdered or expelled from Haiti. A few years later, many Polish Jews arrived in Haiti due to civil strife in Poland.

Most youth did not grow up with a Jewish education due to the lack of a Sunday school or Jewish communal life. Children had to conceal their Judaism, because only Catholics could attend public school.

Jews tended to settle along the shoreline, in port cities. Most Jews were involved in commerce and trade, therefore, establishing communities in major industry centers. A few years ago, archaeologists discovered an ancient synagogue of Crypto-Jews in Jeremie, the only one discovered on the island. Several Jewish tombstones have also been uncovered in port cities such as Cap Haitien and Jacmel.

By the end of the 19th century, approximately 30 Jewish families arrived from Lebanon, Syria, and Egypt. During this period, a French law was enacted that gave French citizenship to minorities in the North American region; therefore, many Jews from the Middle East felt secure moving to Haiti. These Jews brought with them their Sephardic customs and traditions. By the time of the American occupation in 1915, roughly 200 Jews lived in Haiti. During the 20 years of American occupation, many Jews left Haiti for the United States and South America.

In 1937, the Haitian government began issuing passports and visas to Eastern European approximately 100 Jews escaping Nazi persecution. At its peak, almost 300 Jews lived in the country. Most of these European Jews remained in Haiti, grateful to the government, until the late 1950s. Many of the Haitian Jewry left, however, so their children could marry Jews and not assimilate, and to find greater economic opportunity. The 21st century witnessed a continued departure of Jews from Haiti, for the United States and Panama because of the poor economy and civil violence. Even after so many decades of living in Haiti, Jews are still considered foreigners in the country. Today, only 25 Jews remain in Haiti, predominately residing in Port-au-Prince.

The community is led by Gilbert Bigio, a retired well-to-do businessman. Every Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur, services are held in his house. The last Jewish wedding in Haiti occurred 10 years ago, Bigio’s daughter, and the last bris was Bigio’s son, more than 30 years ago. Bigio owns the only Torah in all of Haiti, which he provides to the community for services.

Israel and Haiti maintain full diplomatic relations. In 1947, Haiti voted for the United Nations’ partition of Palestine and the creation of the State of Israel. Many Haitians have a lot of admiration for Israel and its struggles. The Israeli ambassador in Panama represents Israeli interests in Haiti. Israel maintains an honorary consulate in Port-au-Prince. Currently, George Bigio is the honorary consul of Israel in Haiti, and flies a massive Israeli flag outside his home.

The Jewish Community of Haiti
P.O. Box 687
Tel. 509-1-20-638
Bigio - Haiti’s few Jews hold on to history

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Bigio - Haiti's wealthy prosper while the poor decline

Gilbert Bigio's Company – GB Group owns interests in sixteen of Haiti's largest companies

Haiti economic elite families adapting to new competition
, October 1996

Brant Family History

Haiti economic elite families adapting to new competition
By Robert P. Waltzer, Dow Jones, October 1996

Source: Hartford-hwp.com/archives

Port-au-Prince (Dow Jones) -- As foreign lenders push Haiti to open its economy and consolidate democratic reforms, the country's leading business families are in a process of rapid adaptation.

After a long alliance with the dictators and ruling military factions, the families appear to be shifting support to President René Préval, inaugurated last week in the first transition of democratically elected presidents in Haiti's 192-year history.

With the army gone, the business elite needs Préval to succeed, said a Western diplomat in Haiti.

At the same time, the families are increasing their cooperation with foreign partners and financiers.

In recent interviews, top executives with two of those industrial family empires -- the Mevses and the Bigios -- suggested that their expansion activity is designed to hold their place at the forefront of the economy in which they are expecting accelerated growth.

Well-known local names such as Mevs, Bigio, Brandt, Madsen and Acra, have run the economy since the early days of this century.

They control much of Haiti's industry and trade; its supplies of petroleum, telephones, sugar, flour, plastics, soap, cooking oil, cement, steel, iron. They also own most of the country's warehouses.

But with the Haitian economy in shambles, and the government increasing its dependence on international aid hinged to economic liberalization, competitive pressures are loosening the exclusive grip that the local business elite has on the economy.

In order to position for increased competition, the families are now either working with, or seeking, foreign partners in at least two port facilities, an oil tank farm, an electricity plant, a flour mill, a sugar mill, and two cement plants.

They're doing joint ventures now after realizing they can't do things alone anymore, said Pierre Chauvet, President of Agence Citadelle, the American Express franchise holder in Haiti, and a leading businessman.

One of the key areas of joint-venture activity is construction-related work. An example of a joint-venture expansion effort is Ciment Varreux, Haiti's only cement bagging plant, which is jointly owned by the Mevs family, Robert Stryhanym, a French engineer and Cementos Mexicanos (CEMEX), of Mexico.

To capture expansion in the construction sector, the company is developing a $10 million cement production plant with a 600,000 to 800,000-ton annual capacity which will be ready by the end of 1996, Fritz Mevs, the family's patriarch, said in a recent interview.

The plant would compete with a government-owned cement plant slated to be privatized under Préval, months after the privatization was derailed under the government of former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide.

Foreign diplomats in Haiti said that the Mevses, and other Haitian elite families, have bid with foreign partners on the government-owned cement plant, Ciment d'Haiti and the flour mill, La Minoterie d'Haiti. They are the first expected privatizations.

In another deal, Fritz Mevs, who runs his industrial empire with his two sons, Fritz Jr. and Gregory, late last year completed building a $22 million fuel storage tank farm with a one million dollar barrel capacity.

Mevs is now seeking to lease them and already signed a deal with Elf Aquitaine S.A., the giant French petroleum concern, which may open retail gas stations here. Shell and Texaco, Haiti's main gasoline suppliers, already began leasing Mevs' tanks last year.

Fritz Mevs said he is also seeking a foreign partner to reopen the shuttered Haitian American Sugar Corporation (HASCO). The substantial capital needed to reopen it, $15 million to $20 million, requires a partnership, he said. And in a fourth deal with foreign investors, Mevs signed a government contract in July to supply Haiti with 28 1/2 megawatts of electricity. The family expects to build a fixed power station along with Florida Power & Light.

Business patriarch Gilbert Bigio, meanwhile, has his own expansions with foreign investors in mind.

He plans a $12 million industrial facility surrounding a port in Haiti's small, western city of Miragoane, said Phillippe Lahens, chief economist for the CB Group S.A., the Bigio family's holding company.

The site of an old Reynolds Aluminum facility shuttered in 1985, the facility would include free-zone manufacturing, maritime services, a ship demolition and scrap metal export operation and a calcium carbonate mining operation.

Bigio expects to close the deal this year with a consortium of Haitian investors and shippers in Miragoane along with foreign investors, possibly from Israel, France and other European Union nations.

Lahens said Bigio lost his original foreign partner as a casualty of the 1991-1994 U.S.-led economic trade embargo against Haiti designed to oust the military regime from power.

Bigio, meanwhile, will nearly double the production of Aciérie d'Haiti, which produces steel building materials. The expanded facility, slated for an end of 1996 completion, would produce 80,000 tons a year and bring down production costs.

Another key Haitian industrial family, the Brandts, which intends to develop another port, this one in Fort Liberté, is also seeking foreign investors for the $100 million project, foreign diplomats said.


The Jamaican link in Haitian prison break

Myrtha Désulmé, Guest Columnist
Source: Jamaica Gleaner

On Monday, August 11, Jamaicans awoke to a wave of panic, stemming from the news that the Haitian National Police were seeking international help following a prison break that freed a prominent businessman and allowed hundreds of other inmates to escape.

It was reported that a commando of 10 to 15 heavily armed men had pulled off a spectacular jailbreak at the Croix-des-Bouquets maximum-security prison, freeing 329 inmates, and wounding two guards. The police declared that the raid was an inside job, and launched an investigation.

Out of the 329 escapees, however, the Haitian government decided to first focus on the search for one fugitive by the name of Clifford Brandt Jr, as it was widely believed that the freeing of Brandt was the reason for the incursion. The government offered one million Haitian gourdes for his capture.

Who is Clifford Brandt Jr, who could have triggered such a brazen assault, and whom the Haitian government was so anxious to apprehend?

The amazing story of O.J. Brandt

It would be impossible to study the history of Haiti from 1920 to 1976 without discussing the power and wealth of Clifford Brandt's great-grandfather, Oswald John Brandt, whose influence on the Haitian economy, and successive governments, is legendary.

Throughout Haiti's turbulent history, powerful political exiles have sought refuge in neighbouring Jamaica. O.J. Brandt was born in Jamaica in 1890. He found himself gravitating towards those exiles, and assisting them in many ways while they were in Jamaica. In 1910, he fell in love with a young Haitian woman by the name of Therese Barthe, who came to visit her father, also exiled in Jamaica. The two married, and when Therese returned home shortly afterwards, O.J. followed his heart, and migrated to Haiti. He was only 20 years old.

In Haiti, Brandt became the toast of the town. His wife's uncle was a powerful army colonel, and all of the exiles he had befriended in Jamaica had returned home to take up prominent positions. Among them, Septimus Marius, who was appointed minister of finance, and established the National Bank of Haiti. Fondly remembering services rendered by Brandt in Jamaica, Marius gave him a job at the bank.

In 1919, the Royal Bank of Canada opened a branch in Haiti. Brandt made a transfer to the Royal Bank. Rapidly rising through the ranks, he was named managing director in 1925. In 1928, Brandt left the bank to go into business for himself.

From 1915 to 1934, Haiti was under US occupation, and opening up to foreign capital. Brandt was well-placed to take advantage of myriad opportunities. When Haiti entered the Second World War on the side of the Allies, the possessions of German families, who were some of the richest in Haiti, were nationalised, and sold at fire-sale prices. Despite his own German origins, Brandt received the lion's share of the House of Reinbold, the biggest conglomerate in Haiti, acquiring cotton, soap, textiles, and cooking oil factories.

He dominated the import-export sector, bringing in pharmaceutical products, European cars, equipment, and luxury items, and exporting agricultural products, coffee, and cacao. He was also in the insurance business, and fully immersed in the black market. He established his empire and completed his meteoric rise to the pinnacle of Haitian society, becoming a powerbroker and kingmaker, putting governments in power, and toppling same, controlling, bribing, corrupting, sponsoring, subsidising, and financing his way to absolute power, until his death in 1976.

The Brandt family maintained its ascendancy after the passing of its patriarch. In 1973, O.J.'s son, Clifford Brandt, the grandfather of Clifford Brandt Jr, founded the first private bank of Haiti. Clifford Brandt Jr went into the family's car-import business, establishing the Mazda dealership. He was an adviser to President Martelly, and the head of the president's security team was also in charge of security for the Brandt family.

In 2004, after the kidnapping of President Aristide by US Special Forces, and his subsequent exile to South Africa, a deadly wave of kidnappings was unleashed on Haitian society, reaching its peak in 2006. The first suspects were outraged Aristide supporters, inner-city gangs, and deportees. But despite several raids by police and UN forces on inner-city slums, resulting in many arrests and extrajudicial killings, the kidnapping scourge persisted.

On October 16, 2012, the two children of one of Clifford Brandt's business rivals, Robert Moscoso, were abducted by armed men wearing police uniforms. A US$2.5-million ransom was demanded from Moscoso, the chairman and CEO of Sogebank, one of Haiti's biggest banks.

One week later, Brandt was arrested, along with 14 other accused members of his criminal syndicate, sending shock waves, and shaking the very foundations of Haitian society. Brandt, in handcuffs, brought police to the empty house where the bound victims were rescued. He was charged with kidnapping, false imprisonment for ransom, assassination attempt, smuggling of firearms, fraud, forgery, usurpation of title, criminal conspiracy, illegal possession of weapons of war, illicit enrichment, money laundering, and issuing death threats.


The Brandt kidnapping ring and murder cartel was revealed by local and international investigators to be one of the most sophisticated and powerful criminal syndicates in the Caribbean. During questioning, Brandt allegedly confessed that he was only number 5 within the leadership hierarchy of his organisation, implicating the eldest son of the president, members of the Haitian elite, members of the president's private security, and police brass.

The arrest of one of the richest men in Haiti, bent on destabilising Haitian society, and the implication of his peers, has launched an extensive debate on the function and role of the Haitian elite within the society, reviving age-old, thorny issues of greed, corruption, treachery, and the disconnect and alienation of that class from the rest of Haitian society.

Two days after his escape, Brandt and two other fugitives were apprehended by Dominican soldiers, as they tried to enter the Dominican Republic. Twenty more escapees have since been recovered. Brandt is still in pretrial detention.

Myrtha Désulmé is the president of the Haiti-Jamaica Society, and the Haitian Diaspora Federation's vice-president for Advocacy and Public Policy Caribbean & Latin America.


‘...Hayti (is) the glory of the blacks and terror of tyrants...I hope that she may be united, keeping a strict look-out for tyrants, for if they get the least chance to injure her, they will avail themselves of it...But one thing which gives me joy is, that they (the Haitians) are men (and women) who would be cut off to a man before they would yield to the combined forces of the whole world-----in fact, if the whole world was combined against them it could not do anything with them...’ ---David Walker
from: David Walker’s Appeal, 1829


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